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Fidel, today and forever
By Marta Harnecker, translated by Federico Fuentes for Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal
Dear Fidel, I do not want to talk about you but rather talk to you, because you are still here among us and will be forever.
I apologize for referring informally to you, but I feel so close to you that I need to do so.
You know that Cuba is my second homeland, a country that embraced me and thousands of other compatriots with open arms when we were being persecuted in Chile for trying to build a humanist and solidarian society inspired by your teachings. And you know that I was able to build a happy family in your country with one of your most faithful comrades.
Fidel, you have served as a source of encouragement and inspiration for the people of Latin America and the world.
Politics as the art of making possible the impossible
You always understood that politics was not the art of the possible – a conservative vision of politics – but rather the art of making possible the impossible, not through voluntarist actions but by understanding that politics is the art of building a social, political and military correlation of forces that allows us to transform the existing conditions of struggle and make possible in the future that which seems impossible in the present.
Against the fatalism that reigned within the left at that time, you demonstrated it was possible to defeat a regular army despite the sophistication of its weapons. Using the guerrilla tactic of attacking the enemy by surprise at its weakest points, you carried out victorious actions that weakened both its military force and, above all, its morale.
But for you, the armed struggle was a means and not the objective . Like Marti, you believed that those who promoted a war in a country when it could be avoided were criminals; but so also were those who refused to fight in a war that had to be waged.
Your great historic merit is having being able to clearly define the decisive link that could break the chain and, by doing so, give victory to the revolution. In your case it was the struggle against the dictator Batista and the regime he ruled over. You saw clearly the need to unite the broadest range of social forces to overthrow this tyranny. It was not enough to only consider working with revolutionary sectors, it was necessary to convoke reformist sectors and even those reactionary sectors that had minimal differences with the dictator.
What you admired in Marti was not so much the feats he accomplished on the battlefield as the gigantic feat of uniting Cubans in struggle. You were convinced that without this, Cuba would still be a Spanish colony or a satellite of the United States.
And to achieve this broad unity you had to give ground on programmatic questions.
In the Moncada program (October 16, 1953) you only proposed “bourgeois democratic” measures and even though you put forward proposals that affected US interests, you never made a formal anti-imperialist declaration. Later, in the Sierra Pact (July 12, 1957), the result of an agreement between representatives of the bourgeoisie and the rebels in the Sierra, neither the participation of workers in the ownership of factories or the participation of peasants in the cane fields were mentioned. There was also no talk of confiscation of ill-gotten goods or the nationalisation of electricity and telephone trusts that together with the consistent application of an agrarian reform were transformed into anti-imperialist measures and were part of the Moncada Program. Finally, in the Caracas Pact (July 20, 1958), the minimum program was reduced to its most essential elements: punishment for the guilty, defence of workers’ rights, order, peace, liberty, compliance with international commitments and the pursuit of the economic, social and institutional progress of the Cuban people.
However, you never gave ground on the essential questions, those you considered could halt the development of the revolutionary process: you always rejected foreign intervention in the national struggle as well as a domestic military coup; and you always refused to build a front that excluded forces that represented a certain section of the people.
Unity of revolutionary forces
No one struggled for the unity of revolutionary forces and the people like you. You taught us that revolution is a war and that to confront it in better conditions it was best to have a united leadership that was capable of orientating fighters, clearly defining who was the strategic enemy and the immediate enemy, the form of struggle to adopt, the existing situation and conditions, and the policies to implement to win over more supporters to the struggle against the immediate enemy.
But you also pointed out that one thing is the ideal and another the reality and that we have to start working with what we have at hand.
You taught us that we have to first seek the unity of revolutionary forces and only after attempting this did you propose pursuing broader unity. Nevertheless, you were not rigid in this regard: if this goal was not achieved immediately, this did not stop you from advancing towards broader unity.
You insisted that we had to start off by setting ourselves minimum goals, not maximum ones.
You pointed out that attempting to prematurely build unity among revolutionary forces, when the conditions for this did not exist, would only lead to a formal unity that could fall apart in the face of any adversary.
Understanding the ideological-political reality of Cuba, you preferred to avoided theoretical discussions, convinced that the application of a correct strategy would be more convincing than mere words.
Another important point was that you were capable of correctly valuing the contribution of all revolutionary forces without establishing quotas of power based on levels of participation in the triumph of the revolution or the number of activists any organization had. You always fought against any “superiority complex”.
You insisted that the revolution had to come before anything that each of the organizations had done in the past, that what mattered was for all forces to work together for the future and that is why you did not attempt to claim all the credit for yourself. Despite the fact that the 26 of July Movement was recognized by the immense majority of the people as the architect of the victory, you put aside the flag of your organization in order to raise the flag of the revolution.
How different would Latin America be today if we had taken your advice on board!
Against the fatalism of the international analysts of the times, you demonstrated that it was possible to begin building socialism despite being so close to the coasts of the biggest imperialist power in the world, and that it was possible to resist constant external aggressions despite the negative effects this had on the everyday lives of the people, because above all this stood the dignity of a people that had conquered its right to make its own history.
An appropriate language
Dear Fidel, we also learnt from you how to speak to the people. It was not only necessary to speak with complete honesty but to also use words that ordinary people could comprehend.
That is why you thought, in the midst of the McCarthyist and anti-Communist atmosphere that reigned in your country and the world, that it was absurd to make Marxist-Leninst declarations. It was not declarations that were needed; what was needed were actions and demonstrating in practice the correctness of revolutionary positions.
This is also why you believed that the unifying factor of the 26 of July Movement could not be Marxist-Leninist ideology, which had only been assimilated by the most advanced cadres of the movement; rather it had to be the struggle against Batista via a new, armed road, and that this struggle should lead to radical social transformations in the political and social sphere and the conquest of genuine national sovereignty.
Truncated revolutionary dreams
Finally, we learnt from you and the Cuban revolution that many of the dreams of revolutionaries cannot become reality, not because they are not noble or good ideas, not because of a lack of willingness in the ranks, but because the enemy – alert to the sought-after objectives – forces us to take a different path. A good example of this was the initial desire of the Cuban revolution – once the war against Batista had ended – to transform army barracks into schools. You did not betray this beautiful ideal. It was the constant aggression of the US government that forced your country to postpone this dream, and led you to build up the most powerful military force in Latin America in proportion to the number of inhabitants. The leadership of the revolution understood that preparing for war was the best way to avoid it.
I saw firsthand – when I first visited Cuba in mid-1960 – how an army barrack in the Sierra Maestra had been transformed into a school. This was not the only ideal that had become a tangible reality at the time, as even in these early days another great characteristic of your revolutionary leadership was also evident: solidarity with all the peoples of the world. When the children at the school, who were 10 or 12 years old, found out I was visiting them from Chile and that an earthquake had recently happened in my country, they told me that they were awaiting the arrival of a group of Chilean children to welcome them in Cuba while their houses, damaged by the quake, were being rebuilt. I will never forget that experience: it was so surprising to see how informed these young children were of what was happening in our countries and how a sentiment of solidarity towards the suffering of other peoples had awoken within them.
I also witnessed – years later – how in each building constructed by the micro-brigades in Havana, the workers handed over one apartment to a Chilean family that was being persecuted by the Pinochet dictatorship.
These are just small anecdotes of international solidarity; we also have epic feats such as those in South Africa and Angola, where thousands of Cubans fought side-by-side with their African brothers and sisters to overcome the oppression suffered by their peoples.
To finish I want say with all honesty that I did not always agree with all the measures you took or the ideas you proposed, but there are so many more that I share that I do not think it is necessary for me to talk about them now.
Fidel, I hope that you agree with me when I say that the best way to pay homage to you is by committing ourselves to make your battles ours, to walk in the same direction as you did. By doing so there will not just be one Fidel, there will be thousands, millions and, sooner rather than later, great paths will be open on which free men and women will walk, building the humanist and solidarian world you dreamed off.