Donate to Links
Click on Links masthead to clear previous query from search box
- British Nationalism?
15 hours 25 min ago
- A Weaker Scottish Ruling Class
23 hours 15 min ago
- I listened to the BBC radio
1 day 2 hours ago
- “Peace talks” with Muslim Malay rebels will not solve crisis
1 day 15 hours ago
- After YES
2 days 11 hours ago
- Unite the people, unite the Left ...
2 days 11 hours ago
- Socialist Resistance: Support yes vote for Scottish independence
3 days 19 hours ago
- John Maclean.s March to Scottish Independence
4 days 3 hours ago
- "Foreign Policy": Preparing for War With Ukraine's Fascists
4 days 16 hours ago
- In a world that want to live
4 days 18 hours ago
Sri Lankan socialists call for self-determination for Tamils
May 13, 2009 -- The statement below was presented at a press conference by Vickramabahu Karunarathne (``Bahu''), general secretary of the Nava Sama Samaaja Party (NSSP, New Socialist Party). It was first published at Liam Macuaid's blog. Below the statement is a document that outlines the NSSP's position on Tamil national self-determination.
* * *
There is an international commotion about the bloodbath and the human disaster in Lanka. It can lead eventually to an international intervention that could enslave everybody. We called this press conference to make everybody aware of the developing situation.
Government leaders claim that they have confined the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) activity to a very small area near Mulative. It is said that the LTTE leadership and the last battalions are within the 15,000 people caught in the Area. The LTTE challenges these figures and say that around 120,000 are cornered in the limited area. The UN says it is more than 50,000. Whatever it may be, the only access to food and other necessities for these people is the Red Cross shipments that are supposed to arrive twice a week to this enclosure with the government's permission. This shipment includes 25 tonnes of food and medicine, and the boat takes back is about 500 passengers. There are more than 2000 wounded and sick in the area waiting to go out but the government has not made any extra arrangements for that. While these people are confined to this hellhole the government is continuing its attacks. Shells and multibarrel rockets are used day and night. In the last few days over 2000 were killed and many more are injured.
The Sri Lankan government claims that the LTTE is responsible for this misery and demands that the Tigers should unconditionally surrender. But at the same time the government says that the Tigers are criminals already convicted by Lankan and Indian courts. Therefore they will be punished accordingly. In that event there is no room for any discussion at all. the Tigers are assumed to be just criminals and not even an indirect product of Tamil national problem. At the same time they have accepted that nearly 3000 LTTE cadres are in their custody. But nobody knows where they are. It is suspected that they are kept at some desolate place in Vanni. Their fate is totally unknown. In the recent past many who were in state custody were killed in ``confrontations'' with the prisoners, when they were taken out of the place of imprisonment! Among them, some were LTTE suspects. Wijeweera, a Sinhala rebel was burned alive while he was in army custody. In that background, if the LTTE leaders surrender their fate will be a shameful humiliating death. It will be a severe discredit to the struggle and the Tamil people. In that reality we ask who has the right to demand the LTTE surrender.
We, the Left do not agree with the ferocious methods and the bourgeois politics of the Tigers. But they are Tamil liberation fighters and they have the right to be treated as such. Bogus demands of the government have no meaning. Government is demanding that the Tamil people be allowed to leave Tiger areas so that Tiger militants are left behind to be slaughtered by the army. Some lunatics blame the Tigers for not agreeing to this demand! If these ladies and gentlemen are so committed to the innocent lives they should demand the government to agree to a genuine ceasefire.
The people who have entered the Sinhala army zone are kept in military protected camps. These are open prisons without adequate facilities. No real information about the situation is available from independent sources. Those who divulge information obtained secretly, are punished or thrown out of the country. In such a situation there could be a large number of displaced Tamils who are willingly with the Tiger army. Afterall, to a Tamil misery under the Tamil army may be better than being a prisoner of the alien Sinhala forces. This tragic situation has developed into an international uprising of the Tamil people, or more correctly a Dravidian universal protest. It is severely felt in India and spreading into the developed world. There are violent mass agitations everywhere. This could lead to an induction of foreign forces in Lanka.
We must stop this debacle and bloodletting. Sinhala soldiers are also killed and wounded in thousands. All of them are from poor peasant families. Misery spreads into all corner of the country. We demand that the government stop the war and go for a peace agreement now!
Right of self-determination of Ilankai Tamils
By Dr Vickramabahu Karunarathne
The right of self-determination of Tamil-speaking people is a foremost issue in modern Lankan society. Though it is related to the Tamil vs. Sinhala conflicts narrated in various chronicles, the present form arises out of the inability to construct a democratic, plural, civil society. Though Sri Lanka (the Sinhala equivalent of Ilankai) is considered a nation by the United Nations Organisation, Sri Lankan nationality is yet to be recognised by the masses here. People in Lanka consider themselves as Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim, Burgher, Veddha, etc. and rarely as Sri Lankans. In that sense it is a society of nationalities. As a Marxist, I consider nations are really built on capitalist market economy. I refer to a community as a nationality if, that community of people are in conscious struggle to be a nation but not yet matured fully as a nation.
The word nation is loosely used to represent any group of people with a common language. But such a definition is not useful in understanding problems of nation in modern society. The identities Sinhala and Tamil were used in Lanka for a long period of time stretching as far back as 3rd century BC. But the entity represented by the term Tamil or Sinhala is very different at different times. For example, Sinhala was used in the Anuradhapura period to represent a Vansa, a clan of people associated with a particular agriculture based on a special irrigation system. These people were considered to be of Aryan descent. Aryans were the nomadic people who invaded India around 2000 BC and over-ran Dravidian clan societies clustered around the Indus valley and elsewhere. It is widely believed that around 500 BC some Aryan people came to Lanka and overpowered the Dravidian society that existed there. Thus there were Vansa clashes in that early period of history. These Vansa clashes continued until the end of Rajarata civilisation and the emergence of semi-feudal society in the wet zone. In this society divisions were based more on trade caste groups.
When we look at the Kandyan kingdom before the takeover by the British, we see that the word Sinhala is used to represent the ruling elite. The Radala-Mudali elite referred to themselves as the Sinhala. In this scenario not only the other caste groups in the Kandyan areas were left out of the Sinhala identity, but also the entire community in the low country who spoke Sinhala as their mother tongue. At this stage, caste was more important than any other clan identity. The word jatiya, the Sinhala word used in general today to represent a nation, was used widely at that stage to represent caste. Even today if one asks a Kandyan villager about his jatiya he may assume that as a reference to his caste. In any case at that time and until recently people in Lanka were more loyal to their caste group than any other form of community. Sinhala royalty always thought it is better to marry from Tamil royalty than to a lower caste person from the Sinhala kingdom. This thinking was not confined to the royalty but common to almost all caste groups. Even today, such thinking exists in spite of Sinhala vs.Tamil national clashes.
I explain all these in order to show that the Tamil or Sinhala nations as we know them today did not exist in the past. Nation building is a relatively new phenomenon. It means that a community with the same language and tradition will unite to work democratically. This is the positive side of an emerging nation, its ability to break down caste and other parochial barriers to unite a community with equality and fraternity. In the recent past we saw the emergence of several nationalities in Lanka. The Sinhala nationality emerged with the temperance movement under Anagaarika Dharmapala. Parallel to this there were movements launched by Arumugam Nawalar and Siddhi Lebbe. The Veddha community also asserted its identity under Tissahamy and others.
Thus when the British went away in 1948, Lanka remained a prison house of several nationalities. Power was concentrated in the hands of the English-speaking elite who behaved like a separate nationality. A tiny community of less than 1 million fake Anglo-Saxons, who relished imitating Anglo-American upper classes, appropriated and held all economic, political and social power in their hands. The Tamil upper classes consider themselves a part of this elite. In fact early leaders who collaborated with British rule were famous Tamils such as Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan. It was in their interest to build a state power on the basis of Sinhala Buddhists.
This policy was started by D.S. Senanayake and continued with vigour by the Bandaranaikes. They disenfranchised Tamil plantation workers and made the majority of the working class stateless. A consistent campaign of discrimination was aimed at the Tamil-speaking people. While English remained the language of the rulers, Sinhala was made the sole official language to be used as a device for discrimination. Sinhala colonisation schemes were established in Tamil areas to create communal disharmony and fool the Sinhala poor masses. So-called standardisation was used to discriminate against Tamil students. All this pushed the Tamils into protest and rebellion. As early as 1930 even the Tamil elite had to break away and put separate demands to the British Raj. Then they demanded a 50/50 share in the legislative assembly, meaning that the Sinhala majority should get no more than 50% seats. Later the Federal Party was formed with the demand for autonomy for the north and the east.
In the 1950s, the Marxist movement led by the Lanka Sama Samaaja Party (LSSP) fought against this fraud and stood for equality, democracy and socialism. The Communist Party (CP) in the early 1950s passed a resolution accepting the right of self-determination for the Tamils but nothing was done to take this to the public. The Tamils and other national minority groups had much faith and expected fair play from them.
Later, however,the LSSP/CP leaders made a fundamental mistake and joined the capitalist government of Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike. Once in power they also became pawns in the hands of Sinhala chauvinism. In fact Dr Colvin De Silva, who once said “One language - two nations” became the man who formulated the Buddhist theocratic constitution. This total betrayal led to much disillusionment among Tamil youth. Failure of the old left movement against Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism opened the stage for violence against the Tamil people. Racial riots broke out several times, the worst of which was in 1983. All this led to the liberation struggle of the Tamil people.
Today, the Lankan Tamil nationality is a complex entity. First, the so-called native Tamils of the north and east have developed as Eelam Tamils with a recognisable homeland. Their national consciousness has developed to a high degree among them. The existing armed struggle for Tamil liberation is based on them. Under the memorandum of understanding signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2002, more than one-third of the Tamil homeland was accepted to be under the direct control of the LTTE.
Second, the plantation Tamils of the up-country, descendents of south Indian Tamil workers brought to Lanka by the British Raj, have not identified entirely with the Eelam liberation struggle. Certainly the youth is highly influenced by the struggle in the north and east. But their demands are different, being very largely socioeconomic. Land and citizenship rights, greater autonomy for Tamil areas, and greater Tamil participation in local administration are some of their demands.
Third, there is a substantial Tamil community living in Colombo and its suburbs. They are a combination of native and Indian Tamils. Except for the recent refugees, others are more interested in getting equality and justice than supporting the liberation struggle. However, in spite of these divisions, all Tamils are living under fear and repression. On the other hand, the war has its effect on all Tamils irrespective of their actual connection to the liberation struggle.
The Nava Sama Samaaja Party (NSSP) from its inception defended the right of self-determination of the Tamil-speaking people. Before becoming a party, as a group within the LSSP, in 1974 we came out with our analysis of the Tamil national question. We explained that Tamil nationality is emerging, fighting for its self-determination. The only unity possible is the voluntary union of the two nationalities. For this, recognition of the right of self-determination of Tamil people is a precondition. Acceptance of equality, autonomy and the right of self-determination is the only basis for a democratic unity.
Since 1974 we have been fighting for this position in all our political campaigns. In spite of many difficulties, we have managed to take this message among the Sinhala people. We have influenced the thinking of almost all political parties of Lanka. Concepts of equality, autonomy and the right of self-determination are now very widely discussed. Understanding of the masses has increased tremendously. And now there is widespread resentment against the war efforts of the government.
In 1994, Vasudava Nanayakkara and a few others broke away and collaborated with SLFP-led governments. Though they pay lip service to the Tamil liberation, in practice they have become a part of the treacherous group led by CP and LSSP. It is clear that the Western powers are now backing the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. We explained all along that it is futile to expect the global capitalist powers to intervene here to safeguard the interest of Tamils and Muslims or any other minority. Many Tamil leaders believe that the Indian rulers will help them to achieve freedom from discrimination and oppression. In fact they appealed for military intervention. However, the Indian intervention became a nightmare for the Tamils.
Today Sinhala chauvinists, such as Gunadasa Amarasekera, openly claim that Indian intervention was a god-sent chance for them and regret that it was not fully utilised to crush the LTTE. Now, the same thing is repeated in relation to the Western powers led by the Americans. The Tamils have to accept that it is foolish to expect support for the Tamil struggle from the West against the Mahinda Rajapaksa government that collaborates with the development program of the West. On the other hand the LTTE appears to believe that suicidal attacks by the Tamil youth can achieve liberation. So far no efforts are made to take the issue among the left democratic forces internationally. The Left Front (NSSP) will take the issue of Tamil Liberation among left democratic forces both locally and internationally.