Donate to Links
Click on Links masthead to clear previous query from search box
- First reply to your response
5 days 10 hours ago
- Response by Dick Nichols
5 days 12 hours ago
- This article does not seem right for these times
6 days 6 hours ago
- PLM Philippines condemns PSM leader arrest and police crackdown
2 weeks 4 days ago
- The content of Chomsky's
3 weeks 3 hours ago
- How can you run an article
3 weeks 19 hours ago
- On Marxist definitions of nationalism
3 weeks 6 days ago
- Is this assessment valid?
4 weeks 1 day ago
- Credit markets
5 weeks 16 hours ago
- lesser evil voting
5 weeks 20 hours ago
Ireland: Electoral revolt against austerity, left makes big gains
Election night report of the count in Dun Laoghaire. United Left Alliance's Richard Boyd Barrett TD interviewed on RTE by Brian Dobson after being elected.
By Harry Browne, Dublin
2011 -- Something
changed in Ireland on February 25 when we cast our votes in parliamentary (Dáil)
elections to replace the government that has overseen the utter collapse of the
economy and Ireland’s debt enslavement to fund bankrupt banks and their
The traditional centre-right ruling party, Fianna Fáil, lost nearly three-quarters of its seats, and will be replaced as the main party of the next government by Fine Gael, the centre-right party that is accustomed to spending most of its time in opposition. This has its own drama, to be sure, albeit rather predictable in outcome.
But in opening up a new space for the left, putting Sinn Fein’s Gerry Adams in the Dáil, along with community activists like Joan Collins and Seamus Healy, and old Trots like Joe Higgins, Richard Boyd Barrett and Clare Daly, this election has provided a new platform for a resistance movement that could extend far beyond the polite precincts of parliament.
Swapping Fianna Fáil for Fine Gael represents change mainly in the fortunes of those parties and their politicians. Apart from the usual opportunistic nitpicking, it has long been difficult to find any significant policy differences between them. Over the decades Fine Gael has perhaps leaned to the left on social issues and to the right on economics, and Fianna Fáil vice versa, but you’d hardly see it now, especially as Fianna Fail has mostly overseen the profound liberalisation and neo-liberalisation of the last two decades.
In the current circumstances, the most important point is that both parties agree, essentially, with the extortionate terms of the European Union/International Monetary Fund “bailout”, which has sealed the socialising of bankers’ debts at the expense of taxpayers and public services in Ireland, victims of a vicious austerity agenda. Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny may believe that his colleague in the European group of Christian Democrats, Germany’s Angela Merkel, can help him “renegotiate” Ireland’s deal a bit more favourably, but this would be window dressing. In light of the overwhelming impact of that agreement, the idea that Ireland “decided” anything important when it went to the polls on February 25 is a sick joke. As academic and activist Colin Coulter has written: “Almost all of the crucial decisions were taken some time ago, and most of them were made elsewhere.”
The fortunes of Fianna Fáil are nonetheless of great interest to the left. The political descendants of the more radical sections of the Irish Republican Army from the War of Independence 90 years ago, those who opposed the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, the party has tended to have the support of most of the urban working class and rural poor. Indeed, some communists over the years have offered the party “critical support” of the sort usually reserved in other countries for social-democratic parties rather than for populist nationalists such as Fianna Fáil. As the party contemplates its battering at the polls, its members and leaders mumble unconvincingly about returning it to its “radical roots”. Since its adopted “base” of property developers and financial speculators has largely moved on, the party will have to find some new angle, but it’s hard to imagine it can find its way to radicalism.
Its voters, however, are another story. Fianna Fáil lost 25 per cent of its vote in this general election, compared to the 2007 election, falling from 42 per cent to 17 per cent. Fine Gael, however, gained just 9 per cent, winning the first-preference votes of 36 per cent of voters. (The vagaries of the electoral system and expert local vote management mean that Fine Gael will have more like 46 per cent of the members of the new Dáil, the lower house of the parliament.) So Fine Gael directly exploited barely over a third of the Fianna Fáil decline. The rest was split between Ireland’s Labour Party, Sinn Fein and various independents, mostly of a left-wing disposition.
The Green Party paid dearly and appropriately for its own decision to go into coalition with Fianna Fail in 2007: it lost all its seats.
Overall, the left vote in this election has been estimated at 42 per cent, with just under half that going to Labour. The combined share of the first-preferences votes shared by the two traditional “major” parties was 53.5 per cent, the lowest in the history of the Irish state: since 1927 the joint Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael share has always been well over 60 per cent, often quite a bit higher.
So while there has been a significant shift to Fine Gael, there has been a more significant shift to the left, a force or set of forces that have been marginalised in Irish parliamentary politics since the 1920s.
In Dublin the shift is more pronounced: here the left vote is about 60 per cent, with again about half of that going to Labour. This trend has been visible for some years, especially in Dublin and especially at local and European elections; on February 25 it emerged full blown on the national electoral scene, though pundits have largely managed to ignore it. That is partly because the left is so diverse.
Sinn Fein, part of a rather conservative government in Northern Ireland, where it shares power with the reactionary Democratic Unionist Party, ran quite a left-leaning campaign in the South and was rewarded with 10 per cent of the vote. Sinn Fein saw the most dramatic increase in representation, going from four seats in 2007 to 14 in the new Dublin parliament.
It is an unprecedented performance for the party in the Republic. Its leader, Gerry Adams, “came down here” to run in the Louth constituency and proved to be one of the top vote getters in the election, less than two decades after he was banned from the Irish state’s airwaves under censorship legislation during the northern “Troubles”.)
Around the country another 10 or so leftists, including the colourful Mick Wallace, were elected, five of them “far leftists” associated with a new formation, the United Left Alliance, whose candidates combined opposition to austerity and the “bailout” with personal records of credible community activism.
Then there is the Labour Party, which having reached a new record level as the biggest section of the biggest left in Irish electoral history, will do what it nearly always does given half a chance: go into a coalition government with Fine Gael. Daniel Finn's magnificent overview of the Irish situation in the latest edition of New Left Review (Jan/Feb, #67) contained a half-century-old quote from Fianna Fáil leader Sean Lemass that still captures the essence of Irish Labour:
I gather ... that someone accused the Labour Party of going "Red"... May I straightaway dissociate myself from any such suggestion? The Labour Party are, and always have been, the most conservative element in our community. Far from the Labour Party going "Red’', they are not going anywhere... The Labour Party are a nice, respectable, docile, harmless body of men -- as harmless a body as ever graced any parliament.
This teasing passage remains a cruelly apt description of the party, with a slight amendment to recognise the presence of a group of women who, while occasionally formidable, ultimately resemble their respectable male colleagues in political performance. For any nominally socialist party to have made, and kept, its peace with capitalism in current circumstances requires a wellspring of docility that, sadly, feeds all too much of Irish public life; that is exactly what Labour has done here, red baiting the United Left Alliance during the campaign and offering only the most vapid rhetorical opposition to the austerity agenda.
Indeed, Labour’s watery weakness in the face of neoliberal cuts and deals gave candidates to its left, including Sinn Fein and the United Left Alliance, plenty of room to spout the most basic of social-democratic and Keynesian solutions to the Irish crisis and sound both reasonable and radical in doing so. Just as those candidates thrived in that space, they should continue to thrive as a left opposition to the Labour Party in government with Fine Gael after parliament reconvenes on March 9.
There is no doubt that the next government will give us plenty to oppose. Many in Fine Gael’s leadership seem to relish the prospect of overseeing harsh cuts in government services and employment -- they are among the baldest Thatcherites Irish politics has ever witnessed. Labour may indeed ameliorate some of its worst tendencies, though the experience of the Lib Dems in government with the Tories in Britain would not give us much hope in that direction. But what is certain that the new government’s policies won’t fix what is wrong with Ireland, a petri-dish for neoliberalism.
In that respect, the election in Ireland changed nothing, putting in power a group of politicians who look forward to carrying forth the same right-wing policies with more technocratic zeal and “competence” than their predecessors.
But, as noted above, in opening up a new space for the left, this election has given us a fresh new vista for action.
[Harry Browne lectures in journalism at Dublin Institute of Technology. He is the author of Hammered By the Irish, published by CounterPunch/AK Press. This article first appeared at Counterpunch.]
Notes on the results for the United Left Alliance
By Des Derwin
March 3, 2011 -- The ULA is an alliance of political activists from the Socialist Party (SP), the Socialist Workers' Party (SWP), activists who left the Labour Party, along with community activist groups such as People Before Profit Alliance (PBPA) and the Workers and Unemployed Action Group (WUAG) in Tipperary and others.
Here are the results for the United Left Alliance in the Irish general election on February 25, 2011:
1st pref Vote %
Carlow–Kilkenny Conor Mac Liam Socialist Party 1,135 1.5%
Cork North West Anne Foley PBPA 1,552 3.4%
Cork North Central Mick Barry Socialist Party 4,803 9.2%
Dublin Mid West Robert Connolly Socialist Party 622 1.5%
Gino Kenny PBPA 2,471 5.8%
Dublin North Clare Daly Socialist Party 7,513 15.2% ELECTED
Dublin North East Brian Greene Socialist Party 869 2.1%
Dublin North Central John Lyons PBPA 1,399 3.6%
Dublin North West Andrew Keegan PBPA 677 2.1%
Dublin South Nicola Curry PBPA 1,277 1.8%
Dublin South Central Joan Collins PBPA 6,574 10.0% ELECTED
Dublin South East Annette Mooney PBPA 629 1.8%
Dublin South West Mick Murphy Socialist Party 2,462 5.2%
Dublin West Joe Higgins Socialist Party 8,084 19.0% ELECTED
Dún Laoghaire Richard Boyd Barrett PBPA 6,206 10.9% ELECTED
Laois–Offaly Ray Fitzpatrick Socialist Party 561 0.8%
Limerick City Cian Prendiville Socialist Party 721 1.7%
Sligo-Leitrim North Declan Bree Independent 2,284 5.1%
Tipperary South Séamus Healy WUAG 8,818 21.3% ELECTED
Wexford Séamus O’Brien PBPA 741 1.0%
(Source for above: Collective Resistance blog.)
The ULA’s total vote was 59,398, with an average 5.9% vote per constituency. The national proportion of the vote for the ULA (standing in 20 of 43 constituencies) was 2.6% (Irish Times, February 28, 2011). It was actually marginally higher as the Irish Times counted one ULA candidate (Declan Bree) as an independent.
In Dublin, the ULA vote was 7.1% compared to 8.2% for Sinn Féin (Irish Times, February 28, 2011), while 23.9% for the Labour Party was the largest party by vote in the Irish capital. The ULA now has more seats in Dublin than the wiped-out Fianna Fáil.
The ULA after the election and consequent substitutes for elected candidates will have one Member of European Parliament, five TDs (member of parliament) and about 20 local authority councillors. Many of these subscribe to radical Marxist politics (and all the TDs and the MEP do), though the ULA will be a radical but not subjectively Marxist and revolutionary formation.
For the ULA and left-leaning independents' results see: http://cedarlounge.wordpress.com/2011/02/28/the-left-vote-totals-and-a-few-other-stats/#comments.
For the tsunami that overtook Fianna Fáil see this piece by a popular left-leaning historian: http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2011/0301/1224291075967.html.
For all results see: http://www.irishtimes.com/indepth/election2011/.