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Co-chair of Peoples’ Democratic Party Selahattin Demirtaş
July 20, 2016 -- Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal reposted from Peoples’ Democratic Party English website -- Öcalan had warned Erdogan about this matter a lot. “Tell him, he does not get it, he is acting like an idiot” Öcalan said. “By continuing the resolution process I supported him, if this process ends, the mechanics of coup would step in and he would end up just like Morsi of Egypt” he constantly warned.
Selahattin Demirtaş, co-chair of Peoples’ Democratic Party, defined the attempted coup as “the coup attempt of putchists against putchists” and added: “A clear attitude must be adopted against both pro-coup mindsets and the struggle must be stepped up because the coup mindset that tried to seize power through military forces using tanks and cannons is illegitimate and so is ruling the society through an election that takes place with war, violence, and bombing of the cities, it also is a civil coup.”
Demirtaş, reminding that Kurd Leader Abdullah Öcalan had warned Erdogan about the “mechanics of coup” throughout the dialogue process, said that Kurdish Freedom Movement did not “take advantage of the attempted coup” when it took place: “Kurdish guerillas could have taken advantage of this attempt and seized many cities but this would be playing into the hands of the pro-coup mindset. Kurdish movement, by not making a choice between the two pro-coup mindsets, maintained a dignified stance that insists on the democracy struggle of the peoples. However, people like Erdogan do not have the capacity to understand this dignified stance.”
Co-chair of HDP called for “solidarity” by mentioning that the racist and jihadist groups that took to the streets after the coup attempt are in danger of lynching and massacring others.
We talked with Demirtaş about the attempted coup that took place on July 15.
What happened still needs a general definition. What was exactly we went through?
First of all, it is obvious that there has been an attempt of military coup since the army undertook a military activity that extended up to bombing the parliament building in order to overthrow the government and seize the power of the parliament. That this is done by the army, by the force of arms requires that it be defined as an obvious coup attempt. Once it is defined different, it gets hard to address it.
However, the conditions under the coup attempt carried out, those who triggered the coup attempt, the position of the AKP government, these are actually those that needs to be defined because the current power is the power which is ruling via a civilian coup. Coup attempt of the putschists against putschists… If this is not precisely defined, the point cannot be made. Then, the position taken will also be wrong and such a mistake would play into AKP’s hands under an “anti-coup” slogan.
It is necessary to take a clear-cut position against both pro-coup mindsets and a struggle accordingly should be carried out. It is a civilian coup to govern the society by means of an election that was held in the sequel of war, violence, bombing the cities and it is as much illegal as the coup forces that tried to overtake the power via military means, with tanks and guns.
We have already been resisting the AKP coup for more than one year. The AKP, who extorted the power since last year, cannot be acquitted just because a clique inside the army has just tried to usurp the power. We are against the coup principally; we put forward our position as such and say full stop. It is necessary to work up a policy based on a perspective that will not whitewash the coup done by the AKP as well. In our briefs, we have pointed out a democracy league against both the pro-coup mindset inside AKP and the pro-coup clique developing inside the army. The alternative is the democracy league because the forthcoming developments will determine the future of the country. Either the AKP will entirely go away and the forces of democracy will take the power or the AKP will make its own coup permanent by institutionalizing it, taking advantage of this military coup attempt.
How could this coup clique believe that their attempt would be successful? In whom or what did they trust in?
It is unknown. A coup clique that has no political support is probably the first to come out in the world. It has been said that the coup was held without leaning on some alternative political frontier. There is only one thing that I know: it is by no means a clique that relies on HDP or the forces that HDP represents. That is the only thing that we are sure of. However, did the clique had any contacts with other political powers or was the coup planned through some other political forces? We cannot know these. It might get clear in the coming weeks or months. Yet in Turkey some always has an understanding that hopes for help from coup. There has always been a pro-coup mindset that believes that no force except the army can consolidate democracy in the country but I cannot know with whom such people have political relationships.
Did you anticipate such a coup attempt prior to this one? Have you received any speculations or have you foreseen such a thing?
Of course making such a prediction would be hard but while during the interviews in İmralı, Mr. Öcalan described the coup mechanics and properly illustrated it with historical examples. He very well explained how the so-called coup mechanics works in Turkey. Thus, he envisaged that the coup mechanics would be implemented once the resolution process was over. And in that regard, he warned Erdoğan many times. He was saying “Tell him, he doesn’t understand, he is acting like an idiot.” He continually warned him, saying “I could keep him alive by maintaining the resolution process. Once the process is over, the coup mechanics will step in and then he would end up just like Morsi”.
How did that coup mechanics practically step in after the process was over?
Yes, we could notice and very well understood that coup mechanics during those discussions. When the process was over, the so-called coup mechanics was already in function somehow. The war against Kurds, the destruction in Kurdistan, the effort of army to take the initiative again, Erdoğan’s giving of his store away to the army, his resigning of his power to the army, his proposal of alliance to the nationalist-fascist block and his surrendering of his will to that block on a large scale, his almost doing everything that this block wants just to win the war against Kurds have been actually the signs of the coup mechanics in function.
Did the Turkish State Bloc, which was formed as a consequence of the war against Kurds, lead this?
General Staff had gotten all the promises from Erdogan before entering the city battles. That is to say, the presidential system would be given up, and at most there would be presidency with political parties, Erdogan would give up the idea of seizing all the powers of the state by himself; he would pass the law of impunity and there would be no way back to negotiations during the resolution process. Such promises were made and thus the army started fighting in cities.
If you remember, it was mentioned in the beginning that this was a war of the Palace and people were reacting strongly against Erdogan at the funerals of soldiers and police officers. The army also doubted fighting in cities and delivered an opinion on not entering the cities. For the first time tanks entered the city in Silvan and in a short time they removed the battle tanks, the army expressed Erdogan that it would not enter the city. After that, Erdogan surrendered his will to them in order to make an agreement with the army and make the army fight in cities and enter the cities with battle tanks and guns.
International relations and mechanisms also started to put pressure on Erdogan, thus leaving him gasp for air.
This was completely the coup mechanics Mr. Öcalan defined. It was working perfectly. As long as peace and agreement were not made and an alliance was not formed with Kurds, war against Kurds triggered the coup mechanism just like a wounded clock when the time comes.
In this case, you should not be surprised at the attempted coup, right?
No, I’m not surprised. We were expecting such a process but of course it was impossible for us to guess, predict or provide intelligence about the coup. However, we were not shocked when it happened because it was openly approaching. How this would take place was only a mystery. Would it be a postmodern coup like February 28, or would the army complete the coup by seizing Erdogan step by step via implicitly enduring the government as the army slowly gains the war initiative in the field? That was not known. Nevertheless, it was also known that there was not only one clique in the army. Communitarian, chauvinist, nationalist, Americanist structures have been separating into cliques. It is not possible to say that these groups agree among themselves 100% and agree with Erdogan.
It was known that there was tension before Military Council and that there were disagreements before the appointments. Some of these were out-pictured whereas some of them were not. The Military Council was very important this year. Each military council in the recent years has been very important but this years’ military council was historical for them. It was expected that the tension would rise. However, no one was expecting this to turn into an attempted coup.
After the coup attempt, did anyone from the government called you or tried to make contact with you?
No, nobody did. Our colleagues exchanged information but nobody from the government made contact.
What will happen next? For example, can there be a change of politics about the Kurdish war? Can peace be on the agenda? Or will the politics of violence continue to increase?
Of course this depends on the attitude that will be adopted by Erdogan and AKP wing. In fact, an opportunity showed up. Mr. Öcalan, during the negotiations, perpetually talked about the parallel structure in the government. “This pro-coup mindset has always been an obstacle to resolution” he warned. If this pro-coup mindset will really be dissolved and if we have reached a point where civil politics and the resolution of Kurdish problem will not be approached provocatively; if Erdogan really pays attention to Mr. Öcalan’s warnings, a healthy and lasting process towards peace might continue. Ultimately, the weakening of the pro-coup mindset and the pro-coup tradition in the army, civil life, judiciary, and bureaucracy is for the benefit of democracy. However, since there is another pro-coup mindset like AKP against us, a real understanding of democracy will not arise.
What is required for a development in a different direction?
This can turn out to be an opportunity if Erdoğan comes into his senses and those around him has the least cleverness to realize the magnitude of the danger and that the coup mechanics haven’t disappeared and comprehend that the coup threat does not come to an end as long as the Kurdish question is not resolved in peace; an institutional democracy and a libertarian constitution is not in action. Yet I think this is a very small probability because the AKP has always used such opportunities in favor of consolidating, strengthening its own power, not in favor of democracy. [Negotiations with the] European Union, ceasefire, the guerrillas’ withdrawal process [withdrawal from the Turkish borders], the AKP tried to benefit from all these.
The election results on 7 June 2015 was indeed an opportunity for democratization and reconciliation and AKP didn’t want to use it, either. AKP wanted to strengthen itself again by an instrumentalization of war towards the next elections on 1 November 2015.
That is to say, there exists an opportunity to commence a new democracy move upon a failed coup attempt; however, AKP is not a party capable of doing such a thing and Erdoğan is not a leader capable of doing it, either. Therefore, instead of being in an expectation of AKP and Erdoğan, we need to enlarge the democracy league and further afford a much tougher struggle against both pro-coup mindsets. The tension will increase at each step since the crowds that are poured into the streets by Erdoğan are not in a struggle for democracy or something. The prime minister is talking about some kind of rejoicing but this has simply been a festival of some reactionists.
Several circles are telling that there is a movement in the streets, which is worrying and about to commit lynches…
Yes, a pro-ISIS mind, pro-ISIS groups, including those from HÜDA-PAR [an Islamic political party organized in Northern Kurdistan], AKP, all the religious, reactionist groups are doing a tour de force in the squares and are display what they understand from democracy as well. They do not want to see anyone even as citizens. Especially during the coup attempt, you have seen even what they did to the poor, innocent buck privates. Up until yesterday, those who were shouting “martyrs are immortal, homeland is united” when those private soldiers died at war are now lynching and torturing those soldiers, cutting their throats.
In that regard, this reactionist group is a major threat, let alone being promising for democracy. It is necessary to afford a struggle against them as well because they will get more impudent and free-wheeling in all the fields. In all the fields they will try to act more recklessly. They might hold lynching campaigns against Kurds, Alevites, leftists, progressive forces; they may even attempt massacres since these heaps will be feeling themselves much stronger from now on. This will be a delusion of them but they are not capable of realizing their own delusions. This reactionist mindset is bereft of any historical analysis; bereft of doing correct political evaluations; bereft of understanding the inner equilibria of the society. A mindset that has no idea of all these thinks that it can change everything based solely on brute force.
In fact, the coup attempt has been disabled thanks to the fellow stance of all the political parties including us. Of course, we didn’t do this to support AKP but AKP will try to evaluate it like that and will want to take the advantage of it. Yet if they were a bit ethical and smart, AKP would realize how invaluable anti-coup stance of HDP and Kurdish Freedom Movement is. They would direct toward democratization and reform, deducing that we do this not for themselves. But they don’t have such a mind.
What was the counter stance of the Kurdish Freedom Movement against the coup?
Erdogan has been accusing the Kurdish movement to be plotting against him together with the parallel structures. He is trying to explain the termination of the cease-fire with this view. This coup attempt clearly demonstrated that it is not the case. Kurdish movement showed no act of crudeness during the hours the coup attempt was in practice. This should be noted in history books. Such an extensive war is still going on, but not even a single guerilla of the Kurdish movement shot even a single bullet that night. The guerilla did not take sides with putschists. Kurdish people did not take sides with putschists. Kurdish guerilla could take advantage of this attempt and penetrate into several cities. But this would be playing into the hands of putschists. Kurdish movement did not choose between two pro-coup mentalities, demonstrating an honorable stance, persistent in the peoples’ struggle for democracy. But mindsets such as Erdogan’s do not have the capacity to understand this honorable stance.
We have to be prepared for a tougher challenge in any case. We need to be prepared for a much more difficult struggle in all areas. Erdogan and his mentality has been conducting “bag operations” since they have come into power. In KCK operations they have arrested thousands and then announced to have arrested tons of wrong people. Later in Ergenekon operations, it was the same. In operations against the Gulenist community, they are arresting random people. Now upon the coup attempt AKP is again arresting or dismissing anyone who they see as a threat. There is no room for justice or equity in Erdogan’s world. Now, all opposition sections who seem to be opposing Erdogan shall be tried and purged from the army and the jurisdiction. This requires attention. Putschists of course should be put to trial, arrested, and put to account before the law. But in disguise of anti-coup operations, opposition sections might be further oppressed, TV channels and news media might be closed. These all require further attention. We should not remain silent against unjustly policies toward innocent circles.
And of course, organizing the people in the meantime is a must.
But how? A confusion is common both in the Kurdish society and the democracy front. In short, what can be done to interfere in the process?
The coup attempt is so recent and it is still not entirely under control. There are still missing helicopters and army commanders whose locations are unknown. Their whereabouts is not certain. Therefore, Erdogan and his front-line are still nervous. Apparently the coup is not entirely quelled. The systematic and broad part of the coup is stopped, but its focal points are not pinpointed. As far as we can see, this is the picture. The society is also somewhat uneasy. Of course the society is against the putschists, but the crowds AKP is letting out on the streets is performing reactionist demonstrations, and bear resemblance with jihadists, ISIS members, so the broader society cannot demonstrate their anti-coup stance on the streets and squares. Only the crowds organized as mobs by AKP are flooding into the squares.
Of course the waters will clear in a couple of days. We should not leave the public space into the hands of those reactionist mobs. We should take the squares, saying “neither the palace coup, nor the military coup,” “there is no option but democracy,” and take to the streets against all putschist mentalities. Because streets are legitimate. AKP takes advantage of this when it is about their gain, and when it is not, they try and block the streets, terrorize the streets. We should not fall for this plot, this oppression by AKP anymore. One thing is clear now: The streets are not legitimate only for AKP. When the opposition takes to the streets in the future, if AKP tries to oppress and overwhelm the streets, everyone should remind AKP of the legitimacy of the streets.
Lynches are common on the streets; poor buck privates are being slaughtered. Erdogan does not mention any one of them. Please remember, when we have called the people to the squares for the Resistance of Kobanê, we did not call for violence, and 48 HDP member were murdered among a total of 55 people. AKP tried to put even this blame on us. Today, they are lynching people on live television, they are killing young, innocent conscripts who were drafted by the force of mandatory military duty, while the Prime Minister calls it a “festival of democracy” and the President of the Republic calls it “the right to demonstrate.” The people should watch out for them. If these mobs keep ruling the country and strengthen themselves, their desire is to lynch whomever. They would like to rule with this mentality and we need to take the streets to stop them feel this false power.
So you foresee a threat of lynch and massacres?
AKP may direct those masses, those groups to attack certain neighborhoods. Everyone needs to watch out. Kurdish neighborhoods, Alevi neighborhoods, and leftists may turn into targets. Everyone has the right to necessary defense against any such attack. In case of such a situation, a power of legitimate resistance is required to be organized to act regardless of who is assaulted.
We are going through critical days and hours. The coup is not entirely avoided. Other cliques too, may take action for a coup. AKP is abusing social sensitivities, provoking them, trying to take our anti-coup stance for a political yield, and this might trigger other social movements as well. We have no other option than being well organized and careful, ready for anything.
Turkey’s failed coup and Erdogan’s anti-Kurdish agenda
By Kurdistan National Congress
July 21, 2016 -- Kurdish Question -- On 15 July 2016 an unsuccessful attempt at a coup happened in Turkey. Even at this early stage, the post-coup process obviously will have important consequences. It is important to understand that this process was started on 7 June 2015, when Erdogan lost the elections and made an anti-democratic intervention into the results. It is important to make a comprehensive analysis of the coup in order to understand the potential outcomes.
Initially, it is important to specify that this coup was not undertaken by Gulenists. Due to the conflict between the AKP and the Gulenists, sympathisers of Gulen may have taken part in the coup attempt. But by saying “the Gulenists attempted the coup” AKP-Erdogan are trying to create a platform on which they can suppress Gulen’s supporters even more. By labelling the coup as Gulenist (who many people see as worse/more reactionary than them), they are hoping to rally support in order to take revenge on the putschists. In other words, they are trying to kill two birds with one stone.
It is evident that this attempt was backed by a large part of the army. If they had planned and executed it more professionally, it may have succeeded. In this regard, it cannot be said that it was undertaken by Gulenists or a minority; there isn’t enough of a Gulenist presence in the army to pull off a coup.
Maybe many of the putschists who are waging the war against the Kurds in Kurdistan were not practically involved, but it has been understood that many of the generals in the region supported the coup. They were careful because their participation would have hampered their war effort against the Kurds. However, many of the generals in the war against the Kurds have been detained as supporters of the coup.
An insistence on war strengthened the putschists
When the AKP couldn’t solve the Kurdish question, it veered towards a war of destruction against the Kurdish Freedom Movement in the past year. Especially towards the end of 2014 and after the 7 June 2015 election, the 'coup mechanism' was in place and resulted in a fascist coalition [Erdogan-AKP, the army and ultra-nationalist]. When Erdogan veered off towards war, the army became the main player. Erdogan and the AKP were dependent on the army in their war against the Kurdish Freedom Movement.
As Erdogan decided to intensify the war and sent the army to destroy Kurdish towns, the coup mechanism was set in place. During the war, the army strengthened its own hand against Erdogan. This is because the army can only become a central player in Turkish politics while it is at war against the Kurdish Freedom Movement. So after a period in which the army had lost its centrality in Turkish politics, through Erdogan’s notion that “we won the war in the cities, we destroyed the PKK”, the army once again gained the confidence to attempt a coup. This coup wanted to redesign Turkish politics. The statement by the putschists clearly points towards this.
'We fought the four, we should do the politics'
The coup-plotters are a new nationalist wing, separate from the Ergenekonists [traditional nationalist statists]. This new trend has been shaped by an opposition to the policies of the AKP. We might even say that the changes made in the AKP’s foreign policy (renewing relations with Israel and Russia, and a change of policy towards Egypt, Iraq and Syria) may have stimulated this new formation. This putschists, who can also be called ‘neo-nationalists’, have closely witnessed the cooperative relationship between the AKP and ISIS. Due to the fact that they are on the frontlines where this relationship is being implemented, they have learnt how the relationship between the AKP and ISIS is handled. If the coup had been successful, with backing from the West, they would have prosecuted the AKP for supporting ISIS.
It seems as though the coup-plotters’ approach was: “Turkey’s main political problem is the Kurdish question, and we are the ones on the front line, so we should shape the politics of Turkey.” When civilian governments do not have any policies in solving the Kurdish question, the coup mechanism is always functioning. The fact that they named themselves “The Council of Peace in the Country” is a reflection of their thinking that “we will conduct the politics when it comes to the Kurdish question”. In short, their approach was “whoever is fighting the PKK should dominate politics and own Turkey”.
After the coup attempt: Sectarian nationalism will create a Turkish ISIS
After the coup was defeated, the AKP and its allies declared themselves as the “will of the people” and “democratic forces”. The AKP now hopes to strengthen its grasp on power and their anti-Kurdish, anti-democratic system. In this regard the presentation of the AKP, its supporters and its allies as the defenders of democracy is a dangerous development; the AKP can more easily implement its anti-Kurdish, anti-democratic policies.
Given that the AKP’s allies are the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and chauvinist nationalists, a rise in anti-Kurdish sentiment and anti-democratic approaches can be expected. These forces have become even more tight-knit after the coup attempt; this will lead to a deepening of genocidal policies against the Kurds. Just as this coup attempt has emboldened the AKP, its allies and the nationalists, it has also radicalised the sectarian nationalist circles close to the AKP. This will lead to a new breed of Turkish ISIS-like formations, such as Osmanli Ocaklari (Ottoman Alliance), a paramilitary group organised by Erdogan himself. They are already organising in European countries; links between them and ISIS are already being discussed. These sectarian nationalist trends will further radicalise and become repressive forces against any opposition to the AKP. Many of the people who took to the streets during this period were from these organisations. It can be expected that these groups will step up their attacks against the Kurdish people. The freedom forces of the Kurdish people and the democratic forces of the country should prepare themselves against these attacks.
What the AKP will do — and the responsibilities of democratic forces
There are statements that say “this coup attempt should be turned into an opportunity and platform for democratisation”. These calls are made with good intentions but need to be followed up. All attempts at a coup can be blocked by democratisation. However, the anti-coup rhetoric of some is not grounded in a democratic mentality; rather it is more to do with the ongoing power struggle. These people aren’t democrats or anti-putschists! These people had already taken power through a coup against democracy. For this reason, democratisation cannot be expected of these people in order to hinder possible coup attempts. These people will use this coup attempt in order cover their real faces and intentions. They have already started doing this.
In this regard, to expect that the AKP will take steps to democratise the country in response to this coup attempt is nothing but self-deception. One needs to take a closer look at Erdogan and the alliances of his Gladio. Nothing other than anti-Kurdish sentiment and anti-democratic development can be expected from this coalition. And when the AKP eventually discards these allied groups, the sectarian nationalist groups will radicalise and become Turkey’s version of ISIS. Under the ideological and political umbrella of the AKP, a more radical version of the Muslim Brotherhood will be formed in the region. Erdogan will see this coup attempt as an opportunity to make preparations and take steps towards this end. There are already are sectarian nationalist factions within the police force. Erdogan saw the actions of these groups during this coup attempt. Turkey will become a police state. The police will become an alternative armed force to the army.
The forces of democracy must re-analyse the situation after this coup attempt. The fascism of the AKP will seek to suppress all democratic forces. They will try to get all factions of society to obey its rule. Any opposition will be labelled as ‘coup-supporters’ and will be brutally suppressed. If the forces of democracy do not act to change this situation, Erdogan will force everyone into submission. In this regard, the forces of democracy must understand the reality of the AKP and its allies and must form a new front for resistance.
