November 7, 2007, was the 90th
anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution. Here Armando Hart Dávalos, one of the
historic leaders of the Cuban Revolution, assesses the 1917 Russian Revolution
in the light of historic experience. In a commentary of obvious timelessness
for Cuba’s own revolutionary people and leadership, he argues that the
pressures of the imperialist blockade were not the decisive causes of the fall
of the Russian Revolution, but rather errors made within the country by its own
leadership and institutions. Essential reading for Cubans, and for everyone who
Haiman El Troudi has occupied many positions in Venezuela’s revolutionary government. He was the director of the Office of President (2005–2006) under Hugo Chavez and secretary of the Maisanta
Years ago, while we were fighting the US war of aggression, the word “Vietnam” became very familiar to the world. However, over the past decades, less information about Vietnam has reached to the outside world, and therefore understanding of Vietnam has become less among its world friends. It is against this background that I would like to take this opportunity to provide you with a broad overview about history of Vietnam, with the main focus on its development over the past 30 years.
Two articles reporting the October 11-14, 2007, Latin America and Asia Pacific International Solidarity Forum, held in Melbourne. The first written by Lisa Macdonald from Australia's Green Left Weekly and the second by Roger Annis from Canada's Socialist Voice.
By Farooq
Tariq
There has been never any other better time
in history of Pakistan for greater left unity than the present time. There is a great urge
among all the left and progressive forces to unite on one platform.
By Jonathan Strauss
The theory of the labour aristocracy argues that opportunism in the working class has a material basis. Such class-collaborationist politics express the interests of a relatively privileged stratum of workers who receive benefits supported by monopoly superprofits. Karl Marx and, especially, Frederick Engels, first developed this theory. It is most closely associated with V.I. Lenin, however, for whom it became “the pivot of the tactics in the labour movement that are dictated by the objective conditions of the imperialist era”.[1]
Hugo Blanco was leader of the Quechua peasant uprising in the
Cuzco region of Peru in the early 1960s. He was captured by the
military and sentenced to 25 years in El Fronton Island prison for
his activities, but an international defence campaign won his
freedom.
Statements on the Burmese struggle for democracy from the Socialist Party of Malaysia, the Indonesian solidarity movement, the Australian Socialist Alliance and the Philippines' Partido ng Manggagawa.
Socialist Party of Malaysia
PRESS STATEMENT : 27 SEPTEMBER 2007
Living in Caracas, Venezuela, for a year during 2006, the most striking impression one gained is of a tumultuous mass movement, in which the social energies of the people have been released in an outpouring of revolutionary enthusiasm and creativity. One was constantly reminded of Vladimir Lenin’s description of revolution as a “festival of the oppressed”.
In August, the Appeal Court dismissed the Socialist Party of Malaysia's (PSM) application to be registered as a political party, with costs. All major newspapers in the country carried the news. The second highest court used technical arguments to dismiss the PSM's case, although the PSM's argument was on the issue of violation to fundamental liberties enshrined in the country's federal constitution and on the issue of natural justice. Four main national organisation did watching briefs of the case — the Malaysian Bar Council, the Malaysian Human Rights Organisation, Voice of the Malaysian People and aliran.
On February 24, 2006, a Friday, the Philippine media reported an aborted coup d’etat allegedly launched by rebel military forces against the government of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. It was supposed to be headed by young officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) led by a former senator and colonel, Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan. He is said to command a group of junior officers and soldiers that has formed an alliance with the Communist Party of the Philippines and its armed wing, the New People’s Army. A few days later, the government announced a bounty of five million pesos for the arrest of Honasan, who had gone into hiding since that Friday. The government also released a list of more than fifty alleged co-conspirators in the coup attempt, although the prize money was reserved for Honasan, who topped the list.