‘We will fight with all our strength’: As Islamists oust Assad, women’s struggle persists in Syria

First published at Turning Point.

Since December 8, the day the Assad regime fell, all eyes have been on Syria. As people discuss a future without the Assad dynasty, the people of Rojava — a predominantly Kurdish but multicultural region in northern Syria — have seized the moment, putting years of organizing work into action. In Rojava, the revolution began on July 19, 2012, when the city of Kobane ousted the Syrian Army. Over the following 13 years, the people of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) achieved a great deal: an administrative system based on grassroots democracy, women’s liberation, and an ecologically just society. The Assad regime had already fallen here years before its general fall in Syria today.

From the beginning of the revolution, it was clear that we wanted a free society, and we knew this would be impossible without the liberation of women from patriarchy—the roots of an oppressive social system that stretches over 5,000 years. We needed a revolution with women’s liberation at its center, and this is how the revolution began in Rojava. Since then, we founded democratic self-governing structures, and, most importantly, we established autonomous women’s structures at all levels. From the beginning of the revolution women organized independently: founded communities and councils, participated in all political decisions, and introduced a co-chair system and gender quotas in all institutions.

Despite the democratic and progressive women’s revolution dating back to 2012, it was only in 2014 that Kobane became known worldwide. Kobane fell under a brutal siege by the Islamic State (IS) and responded with an unprecedented resistance against this group. The fighters of the Kurdish Women’s Protection Units (YPJ) fearlessly confronted and defeated IS in Kobane — and later in Tal Abyad, Sere Kaniye, Manbij, Tabqa, Raqqa, and Deir ez-Zor. These heroic women took up arms and defended their society. They gave their lives and became symbols of the revolution. One of such heroes was Arin Mirkan, a YPJ commander whose military action, in which she sacrificed herself, became a turning point in the battle for Kobane when the war already seemed lost.

While the military victories against the IS put the revolution on the map, its important to emphasize that its success goes far beyond the war. In the last 13 years, women have been involved in all social, political, legal, economic, and educational areas of life, assuming a vanguard role in building a free society. The regional model of self-administration is a grassroots democratic, multicultural, multiethnic, and equally administrated system thanks to the struggle of the women’s movement. The women’s achievements are varied, but they have always required intense struggle in all areas of life.

Kurdish women have significant experience establishing autonomous organizations in the region, drawing inspiration from the Kurdish freedom movement and its leader Abdullah Öcalan. Kurdish women have been organizing since the early 1990s and laid a crucial groundwork for the women’s revolution in 2012. Yet, as their organizing took place under severe repressions, Kurdish women often had to organize secretly. They organized educational initiatives, went from house to house, listened to the concerns and problems of other women, and sought solutions both for individuals and for women’s issues more broadly.

The Kongra Star Women’s Association was founded in 2005 and later played an essential role in shaping the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. Under the Assad regime, not only were the organizations of ethnic and religious minorities severely oppressed, but also those of women. There was only one recognized women’s organization which was directly subordinate to the Syrian regime. The members of Kongra Star had to work under strict secrecy. Its members were put under pressure, arrested, and abducted, and the whereabouts of some women remain unknown to this day. Once the regime was gone, Assyrian, Arab, and Armenian women joined the armed forces and founded councils and organizations.

The Mala Jin, literally translated as women’s house, was one of the first public women’s organizations. It became a place where women could turn to in cases of violence, violation of their rights, or other problems.

In the beginning, the Mala Jin faced significant criticism. Men believed that Mala Jin would diminish their power or dismantle their families. However, over time, it gained respect and many men also visit to seek advice on family issues or problems with their wives today. The democratization of family dynamics is a crucial step toward a mental revolution, and this is part of Mala Jin’s mission.

Through the struggle for organized women’s power, there is a 50 percent gender quota in all areas of DAANES and its institutions. In addition, there is a co-chair system at all levels of DAANES, which stipulates that there must be one woman and one man at the top and that ethnic minority groups must be represented according to the social composition of each region. For example, in a city where the majority of the population is Kurdish and Assyrian, one of the chairpersons must be Kurdish and the other Assyrian, while deputy co-chairpersons should be from different ethnic groups in the region.

Another significant milestone of the women’s revolution was the Social Contract. First adopted in 2014 and re-discussed and re-elaborated in 2023 after changes in the region and the widening of its system of self-government. In the Social Contract, among other things, the gender quota and the co-chair system are regulated. Naturally, these regulations were not self-evident, and it required struggle and insistence on the part of women. Had we not been organized, we would not have been able to make these achievements, because women’s representation was repeatedly called into question. But the various organizations, in their diversity, are united in fighting the patriarchy. Women in North and East Syria, as well as women around the world, are making important demands for their rights. Women’s rights activists and feminists globally are advocating for these changes, and it was the organized strength of women that has ensured these demands are included in the Social Contract.

While political and economic successes have been achieved; women’s projects and cooperatives have been founded; and women are being empowered at all levels. Yet, the biggest challenge was and is to bring about a revolution in thinking: to change the mentality of a society where nationalist and capitalist governments and thousands of years of patriarchal influence remain characterizing features.

We, as women, are very aware of this. Many laws have been won in defense of women’s rights, but laws can be reversed, as we are seeing in Western countries where women’s rights have already been won earlier. But once you have changed society’s consciousness and mentality, they can no longer be taken away that easily. Therefore, education is crucial for our revolution. That is why academies and school systems are an essential tool. Over the years, social and women’s organizations have established many academies to educate society about patriarchy, democracy, ecology, and many other important topics. These academies are open to the whole population and different age groups.

The education system values both teachers and students. Teachers receive training to avoid perpetuating sexism, racism, and other forms of discrimination. Schoolbooks are free from traditional gender roles. To promote a democratic society, families must also be democratized, with regular family education opportunities in councils and communities. Democracy extends beyond politics: it encompasses relationships within families, groups, and between individuals.

In the course of the revolution, grandmothers in the Civilian Women’s Defense Units of the HPC-Jin have taken up arms and gone on patrol to defend their neighborhoods; mothers confidently grab the microphone and express their political opinions publicly; young women join the ranks of the YPJ to fight the Islamic State and protect their people from the Turkish invasion; a journalist with camera in hand speaks her truth—these and many others are scenes of our success.

Looking back to how things were in the region in 2012 or just some five years ago, we can see how much is changing in small but confident steps. At the beginning of the revolution, organizing or working women were frowned upon, but today, these women are highly respected in society. Five years ago, in the streets of Qamishlo, it was still unusual and rare for a woman to drive, but today, it is completely normal.

In the heart of the Middle East, hundreds and thousands of young women have joined the YPJ, and they have become the pride of their people. What has been built here is an ongoing revolutionary project for millions of people. The women’s movement in North and East Syria, which brings together women from all walks of life, groups, and religions, is a women’s movement rooted in society.

This revolution has awakened hope, courage, and solidarity worldwide. Hundreds of people from all over the world have come to Rojava to support, learn, defend, and join the revolution, which they also see as their struggle: Ivana Hoffmann and Anna Campbell, who fought alongside the YPJ against ISIS and the Turkish state in defense of women’s gains, are two of many such examples.

The achievements of women were and still are not guaranteed. They require constant struggle for further development and, at the same time, defense because the system they are organized through is under heavy attack. In addition to the struggle in society against patriarchal mentalitities, the region and the democratic system are under military attack by Turkey.

Ankara fears that the democratic aspirations of Rojava’s Kurdish population could spill over into Northern Kurdistan (which lies within the borders of the Turkish state). The Kurdish demand for democracy and essential rights is a nightmare for the AKP-MHP government in Turkey. The Turkish military has responded to these demands with continuous attacks. In 2018, Afrin and, in 2019, Sere Kaniye and Girê Spî were violently occupied, with hundreds of thousands of people having to flee their homes.

In addition to ongoing attacks, Turkey initiated a drone campaign against the region in 2020. The first of these strikes targeted the women’s movement, Kongra Star. On June 23, 2020, three activists working to organize women in the villages and surrounding areas of Kobane were hit. Since then, Turkey has focused its drone attacks on women activists and politicians who play key roles in organizing the population and establishing a democratic system in the region.

For women and all Syrian peoples, including the Kurds, the fall of the Assad regime, which ignored social diversity and their needs and subjugated them through the cruelest methods, is a significant development. The current situation has opened doors for new political developments in Syria and the region as a whole. How this path is followed from now on will be essential when it comes to creating equal and democratic living conditions for all. More than ever, it is clear that the goal can only be a democratic Syria in which all the different communities can live together on the basis of democracy, peace, and equality.

With the fall of the Syrian regime on December 8, 2024, a historic event has occurred that has changed the situation throughout Syria. This raises important questions about how the future of the country will be shaped. The coordinated attacks on Aleppo, Hama, Damascus, and Homs, which began on November 27, culminated in the overthrow of the Assad government after 14 years of civil war.

Since the revolution, various international forces have been actively involved in Syria, reflecting neo-colonial policies in the Middle East. These forces include Russia, Iran, the USA, Israel, and other NATO states, especially Turkey. Each of these countries is pursuing its own geopolitical and economic interests, influencing local groups and engaging in a proxy war for power and resources. Currently, a war of division is unfolding across the Middle East, leading to the redrawing of the borders that were established a century ago.

What is particularly worrying is that the Turkish state and the groups it supports, such as the Syrian National Army (SNA) and IS gangs, have intensified their attacks and assaults on DAANES following the fall of the regime. In Tel Rifat, Shehba, Manbij, and Kobani, thousands of people were forcibly displaced, and women, children, and elderly people died of hunger, disease, and cold. Mass killings took place in Kobani and Ayn Issa in addition to hundreds of people being captured, tortured, and disappeared. Turkey is using the current situation to enforce its genocidal policy against the Kurdish population in Rojava and to continue the gradual annexation of northern Syria that began in Afrin, Serekaniye, and Gire Spi. It wants to eliminate the achievements of the Democratic Autonomous Administration. This project is currently the greatest hope for peace and a democratic future in the region, which has for decades been scarred by a war between forces competing for hegemony over power and resources — a landscape further terrorized by Islamist gangs.

Hayat Tahir al-Sham (HTS) has recently assumed control over government structures in Damascus. It remains to be seen how prepared a group that originated from Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State, and is known for employing similarly brutal methods against the population — particularly women — will be in managing this transition in the near future.

So far, the HTS government has not spoken out about the role of women or women’s rights, and there is a general silence on the subject. But we are already seeing their positions through their action. For instance, while there have been no public statements or established laws so far on black burqas, they are being distributed to women in Damascus, Aleppo, and regions where Christians live. Other cases include women being asked to sit in the back of public transport, while HTS militiamen demand women to cover themselves if their legs or arms are visible. The only woman who holds an official position in the government is Ayshe Dibis, who is responsible for the Women’s Affairs Office. She has not yet made any contact with women’s organizations in the region or responded to inquiries. However, she has already made it very clear in her public statements how she and the new “government” see the role and tasks of women — namely taking care of their husbands and children at home.

The new HTS government has shown itself to be moderate and soft because all eyes are on it. Journalists, NGOs, and women’s organizations and movements can now move more or less freely in Syria, which was not the case during the Assad regime, but we wonder how long it will be like this. However, as women in North and East Syria, we are determined not to take a step back. We will continue fighting for our revolutionary social model and the freedom of all women in it, with all our strength. No matter the cost, we will continue to defend the achievements of the Rojava Women’s Revolution as a hope for Syria, the Middle East, and the world by all means.

Ronahi Hassan is a women’s rights activist and a member of Kongra Star. She is currently a member of Kongra Star’s Diplomacy Committee. She has been actively involved in organizing and politics in the region since the beginning of the revolution. She has studied English literature and is currently studying law. She has organised herself in the Kurdish student movement and later served as the deputy co-chair of the Cultural Committee of the Autonomous Administration in North and East Syria. She is from Qamishlo.