Bolivia’s struggle for justice, against right-wing offensive
By Hugo Moldiz, translated and introduced by Federico Fuentes
August 10, 2008 – “Given everything that is occurring in Tarija, Santa Cruz, Pando and Beni, we have to denounce … that we are on the threshold of a real coup d’etat against the constitutional order”, announced Bolivian minister of the presidency, Ramon Quintana, on August 7.
The day before, two bullets were fired into his car in an assassination attempt during a visit to the city of Trinidad, in Beni. Beni is part of the “half moon” of the resource-rich eastern departments including Santa Cruz, Tarija and Pando, that are a stronghold of the opposition to the left-wing government of indigenous President Evo Morales.
“What the prefects are doing today is nothing more than an act of sedition, of contempt, or organisation of illegal forces, paramilitaries, to go against all public liberties”, added Quintana.
Later that day, the mayor of Santa Cruz, Percy Fernandez stated “that the armed forces should overthrow the national government because it is useless”. Sitting besides him was Santa Cruz prefect, Ruben Costas.
This right-wing offensive is occurring in the lead-up to referendums on whether or not to recall Morales and eight of the nine departmental prefects, organised for August 10 in an attempt to resolve the political stand-off between the government and the social movements, largely based in the west, on the one hand, and the forces of the oligarchy determined to stop the process of change.
During the week leading up to the vote, a small group of balaclava-wearing protesters took over the airport of Tarija and successfully prevented the scheduled meeting between Morales and Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez and Argentina's President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner — the visiting presidents’ plane being unable to land.
Both Morales and vce-president Alvaro Garcia Linera cancelled their traditional independence day speeches due to fears of violent protests in Sucre. Sucre is Bolivia’s constitutional capital and capital of Chuquisaca department, where an opposition candidate recently won elections for prefect.
The former prefect, from Morales’ Movement Towards Socialism (MAS), is now in exile in Peru, following a series of violent attacks. Morales was also forced to suspend political events in Beni, Pando and Santa Cruz as a few hundred opposition protesters surrounded airports in these regions.
Sensing defeat in the polls, the right-wing opposition — led by the half moon prefects — have unleashed a campaign of violence, terrorism and intimidation with the intention of not only stopping the electoral process going ahead but of overthrowing the president.
Polls continue to show an increasing support for Morales, which is now around 60%, while a number of opposition prefects look set to lose their seats. Cochabamba prefect Manfred Villa Reyes, one of the most likely to be removed, has already stated he will not accept the results of the referendum.
In Santa Cruz, Costas looks set to win by a wide margin. A key aim for the opposition is to ensure that in the vote on the presidency Morales receives as little of the vote as possible in the east in order to proclaim that he is “no longer president” of that part of Bolivia.
The half moon prefects, along with the eastern agribusiness and gas industry elites, have been promoting a campaign for autonomy for the eastern departments to protect their interests from the national-indigenous project of the Morales government.
Whipping up fear of “indigenous revenge” and playing on the prejudices of the mestizo and white middle classes, the elites have run a racist campaign, which has including violent lynch mobs attacking indigenous people.
Adding to the social conflict, miners, disabled people and transport drivers have mobilised across the country, shutting down roads over their demands. In Huanuni, violent clashes between police and miners left two dead and many more injured. Following the deaths, Morales affirmed that their demands would be attended to via sincere and responsible dialogue, but that the most important thing right now was the unity of Bolivians to maintain national integrity.
In this context, the need for international solidarity with Bolivia’s democratic process of change becomes paramount, as Chavez has repeatedly stated. The defeat of the Morales government would be a defeat not just for the oppressed in Bolivia, but the project for a Latin America independent from US imperialism.
To follow developments following the referendum, visit http://boliviarising.blogspot.com. For a round-up of the referendum results, click here.
Below is an abridged article by Hugo Moldiz, MAS leader and head of the General Staff of the Peoples, which unites most of Bolivia’s social movements. It has been translated by Federico Fuentes.
* * *
On August 10, the possibilities of consolidating and strengthening a national-popular project, that creates equal rights and opportunities for all without exclusion and racism, by building on the things we got right and correcting errors, will face off against the project of the old Bolivia.
The forces of the old Bolivia involve the privileged, who sometimes confuse and utilise oppressed social sectors, and talk about democracy and justice while benefiting from being in positions of power.
August 10 will be more than a simple referendum to decide the permanence or not of the presidency of Evo Morales and eight of the nine prefects of Bolivia.
The result of the recall referendums will determine the continuity and deepening of the process of change initiated in 2006, or the beginning of the return to a Bolivia based on exclusion and material and symbolic privileges for a tiny group of families.
Therefore a lot is at play. But talking about change is abstract if it is not grounded in what is at stake, which the powerful media machine has dedicated itself to distorting and manipulating.
Symbolic changes
The political-electoral victory of December 2005 and the inauguration of Morales as president on January 22, 2006, marked the beginning of one of the most profound chapters in all of republican history. A series of symbolic, political, material and cultural changes began to occur.
Bolivia — a country with an indigenous majority, independent of their status as peasant, worker, petty trader, professional, intellectual and student — for the first time had an indigenous president, adding weight to the warning issued by Tupac Katari, an indigenous person who was quartered by the Spanish colony after surrounding La Paz in 1781, when he said: “I will return and be millions!”
With his entry in the Palacio Quemado, Morales opened the possibility of a rupture of the colonialism in force until now — one of its manifestations being racism — and of substituting it with peace and democracy, with a society where men and women, indigenous and non-indigenous, can coexist.
That is why the swearing in of the indigenous president in Tiwanacu, a day before the official act in Congress, acquired a symbolic value never experimented with before. The indigenous people dreamed about storming heaven, with votes and without rifles — and unlike in the past, invited others to construct a homeland for all.
Political changes
In the political sphere, the popular victory of 2005 represented a great possibility, paraphrasing former US president Abraham Lincoln, to construct “a government of the people, by the people and for the people”. And this is no exaggeration.
As well as the symbolic value of being indigenous, Morales wagers on the construction of a political power in which the urban and rural oppressed classes, including broad fractions of the middle classes hit hard by neoliberalism, can have a protagonistic participation.
We are not dealing here with the subordination of indigenous people to an imperial and white project, as has occurred in our history, but rather a rebellious Indian that the privileged want nothing to do with.
In Bolivia, a project is underway aimed at going beyond capitalism and towards the construction of a society and state where there is an equilibrium between humans and nature, between social and political democracy.
And the project is not just national. Morales forms part of a group of regional leaders working towards the unity and integration of Latin America.
Economic change
Changes have also occurred in the economic sphere where important steps forward have been taken. This statement makes sense if we compare the current situation with the destruction caused in Bolivia and other backward countries by the fundamentalist application of a neoliberal model.
The figures are stark. The level of industrial development of Bolivia, already very precarious, decreased from 19% to 12% during the 20 years of neoliberalism. The informal market increased, the state bank was privatised and what was private was owned by transnationals. Services became more expensive and natural resources — oil and minerals — were handed over to foreign corporations that barely left a tribute of no more than 20% on average. Thousands of workers were thrown onto the streets.
The result of such destructive actions can not be repaired in a few years, especially in the second poorest nation in Latin America — for whom extraordinary natural wealth has meant poverty for its inhabitants, due to the concentration of profits in few hands.
What has Morales done up until now? Faced with this past, much more than what other countries in better conditions have done in two years.
International reserves have increased from US$1.7 billion to close to $7.5 billion. Petroleum rent has increased from $300 million to more than $2 billion per year, product of the nationalisation of petroleum. The income from mining has increased due to an increase in taxes and the state recuperation of the Posokoni mines and the Vinto tin smelter, as well as supporting the mining cooperative sector.
In all the macroeconomic indicators, growth in these last two years has been superior (more than 5%) to those registered during the period of state capitalism (1952-85) and the two decades of a market economy. The volume of exports continues its ascending trend since 2005.
There is also the never before seen support given to small producers with the creation of the Popular Development Bank and the Peoples Trade Agreements (TCP — part of the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America trading bloc).
There is also the productive and commercial reconversion of thousands of people that neoliberalism had condemned to import and sell as contraband used clothes, along with the first steps taken in line with a firm decision to advance towards an industrialisation that is compatible with the preservation of the environment.
It is not that nothing has been done, but the greatest lag, which can be explained by the magnitude of the political confrontation in Bolivia, is found in the distribution of land. Its not just that close to 700,000 hectares have been handed over to campesinos (peasants), out of an estimated 20 million, it’s that latifundio (large landed estates) is alive and well in the hands of the agro-exporting bourgeoisie.
Between 1996 and 2005, 36,815 hectares of fiscal land was distributed, that is, 3681 hectares per year on average. In the period 2006-07, the Morales government distributed 697,882 hectares to campesinos in the departments of La Paz, Pando, Santa Cruz and Tarija, or 350,000 hectares per year.
According to the vice-ministry of land, 200 times more land was redistributed to campesinos in two years than during a decade of the previous regimes, and out of 14.7 million hectares of land that have been assessed in three years, almost 9 million hectares is communitarian property, 577,000 small properties and 888,000 hectares belonging to medium and large companies.
Despite the creation of state companies, it is true that capitalist relations of production continue to be predominant. But looking towards the future, a longer transition awaits us.
Social changes
With Cuban-Venezuelan cooperation, 15,000 medical consultations have been registered, 250,000 eye operations have occurred and 10,000 people’s lives have been saved due to the expansion of health care. At the end of the year, Bolivia will be the third country after Cuba and Venezuela to be free of illiteracy in Latin America.
The payment of the “dignity rent” pension (3000 bolivianos) to all people over the age of 60 and the “juancito pinto” bonus (200 bolivianos) for children of primary school age, is something that marks a will to benefit all Bolivians via a better distribution of wealth.
The “energy revolution” is not being left behind and, with the help of Cuba, some 15 million energy saving light bulbs will be placed in all homes by the end of the year, representing a decrease of 70% in electricity consumption.
Constituent process
But, perhaps the best synthesis of the choice of advancing to the future or returning to the past, can be found in the struggle to the approve or reject the new constitution, and the totality of the constituent process that began with force in 2000.
A victory of the popular project in the referendums would represent a grand possibility of opening up a process of dialogue with the objective of breaking the catastrophic deadlock and give the county a new constitutional text.
The dominant classes, led by the agro-exporting bourgeoisie, are small but are currently unleashing an implacable offensive, driven by the US, against the emancipatory project led by Morales.
On the other side is the majority of people, in which, if the old unionism can leave behind its conservatism and the mestizo middle classes can overcome their prejudices, the conditions will exist to take a significant leap forward — together with a government that has to consolidate its advances but also correct errors in all spheres — towards the construction of a society with equal rights and opportunities for all.
[From Green Left Weekly issue #762, August 13, 2008.]
Bolivia votes decisively for Morales' socialist program
Morales' boost
Bolivia has voted decisively for its president's socialist programme, but a shadow of reactionary opposition in the would-be separatist eastern regions remains
Richard Gott, August 11
The spectacular victory of Evo Morales in Sunday's re-call referendum in Bolivia suggests that the president will now move at full steam to secure his political programme, including the ratification of a new constitution and the nationalisation of key industries.
Securing more than 60% of the popular vote, a significant mid-term advance on the 53% that he won in the presidential elections of December 2005, Morales is well set to challenge the ultra right-wing opposition entrenched in the country's eastern provinces. One of his most robust critics, Ruben Costas, the prefect of Santa Cruz, was also re-elected, but another hardliner (and would-be presidential candidate), Manfred Reyes Villa, prefect of Cochabamba, lost his post. Although most of the other opposition prefects will remain (in the provinces of Taríja, Beni and Pando), leaving the country divided, as before, between east and west and between white settlers and Indians, Morales' gamble in holding the re-call referendum appears to have paid off. He has reinforced his democratic credentials and can claim a popular mandate for his revolutionary socialist reforms.
The opposition groups, some of them overtly fascist and white-racist in their ideology, will have some difficulty in pursuing their aim of autonomy for their eastern provinces, the geographic location of the country's wealth-creating oil and gas industries.
Unlike other would-be separatist regions of the world (South Ossetia to name but one topical example), the separatist provinces of Santa Cruz, Beni, and Taríja have no friendly regime across the frontier. The neighbouring states of Brazil and Argentina, ruled by President Lula and President Fernández de Kirchner, are firm allies of Morales in the economic grouping known as Mercosur (and they will be joined after his inauguration on Friday by President Fernando Lugo, the radical former bishop, in Paraguay, another of Bolivia's eastern neighbours). Their support, plus that of President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, who, from a distance, already provides Morales with advisers and financial assistance, ensures that there will be little outside backing for the separatists, apart from the verbal encouragement that will come from the United States.
Yet the threat of disaffection and subversion still remains, one that affects not just Bolivia but the other countries in Latin America that are experiencing the current great historic rebellion of the indigenous peoples against white settler rule. The white settlers have been in power for so long, and have been so accustomed to their political and cultural domination, that, although a minority, they will not abandon the scene without a struggle. The Indians, too, tasting power for the first time in 500 years, have shown at the ballot box that they recognise the historic opportunity available to them.
Republished from The Guardian
Bolivia: Historic vote confirms will for change
With 99% of votes counted, Bolivia’s first indigenous president won a crushing 67.43% vote in the August 10 recall referendum.
Referendums on whether to ratify or recall the president, vice-president and eight of the nine departmental prefects (governors) were held as an attempt to break the deadlock caused by opposition to the process of change by the right-wing oligarchy whose base of support lies in the Bolivia’s resource-rich and predominantly white eastern region.
Relationship of forces
The vote not only ratified Morales and Vice-President Alvaro Garcia Linera in their posts, it also resulted in the mandates of two opposition prefects being revoked (Jose Paredes in La Paz and Manfred Villa Reyes in Cochabamba). Their positions will undoubtedly be filled by prefects aligned with the government in the upcoming elections, increasing the number of MAS prefects from two to four.
The vote has confirmed that Morales has maintained large support among the middle classes, as well as growing class struggle in the east — where Morales’ vote dramatically increased, rejecting the concept of a government whose authority would be limited to the west.
At the same time, however, majority support for the project of “autonomy” pushed by the oligarchy in the “half moon” — the four eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tariga — was ratified with the victory for the pro-autonomy prefects.
Coming out of the referendums, a new political configuration has emerged, which many hope will open up space for an agreement between the competing social blocs on integrating the new constitution drafted by the constituent assembly (by pro-government delegates after right-wing delegates boycotted assembly sessions) with the autonomy statutes proposed by the eastern prefects.
The challenge now is for the government to use this powerful electoral majority to overcome what many commentators have referred to as a “catastrophic deadlock” and open the path towards the “new Bolivia” being fought for by the indigenous majority and other oppressed sectors — and violently opposed by the oligarchy.
When the initiative for the recall referendums came from Morales in December as a way to break this deadlock, the main opposition party, Podemos, refused to approve it — using its Senate majority to stall the project.
However five months later, as the eastern prefects took the initiative through a wave of autonomy referendums, Podemos moved to regain leadership of the opposition by voting for the recall referendums.
Behind the push for autonomy is a move by the large landowners and gas transnationals to shield the natural resources and agribusiness interests in the east from the government’s nationalisation and land reform projects.
As the Morales government has advanced in its project to recuperate state control over natural resources, including the May 1, 2006 nationalisation of Bolivia’s gas reserves, the elites located in the east have worked to construct a regional pro-autonomy movement. This aims to give the prefects legislative power over issues such as taxation, natural resources, land distribution and trade agreements.
Not only do they hope to take decision-making power over these questions out of the hands of the central government, they aim to undermine Morales’ project and support base in order to pave the way for his removal — either at the ballot box or by violent means.
With the new draft constitution enshrining state control over natural resources, as well as dramatically expanding the rights of indigenous people, the oligarchy is fighting tooth and nail to defend its interests against a national movement driven by the indigenous peoples.
The right-wing’s confidence was boosted in the aftermath of unconstitutional referendums organised in the half moon over June and July, agianst the opposition of the central government, on the question of autonomy. The half moon authorities announced massive victories in votes marred by violence and high abstention rates.
The pro-autonomy prefects shifted from their initial rejection of the recall referendums and agreed to participate, as their regional project seemed to be expanding with the victory of an opposition candidate in the elections for prefect of Chuquisaca.
Violent campaign
The former prefect, aligned with MAS, is currently in exile in Peru following a wave of racist attacks and violent protests against the constituent assembly, held in Chuquisaca’s capital of Sucre.
Yet as August 10 approached and polls predicted a large victory for Morales, most of the media began to comment on the lack of any serious political campaign by the opposition for an anti-Morales vote.
Instead, the week leading up to the vote saw an intensification of the right-wing’s violent and racist campaign.
This involved mobilising fascist youth to attack indigenous people in the cities, blockading airports to stop Morales campaigning in the east — including preventing a scheduled meeting with the presidents of Venezuela and Argentina that had to be postponed as small groups of thugs wearing balaclavas waited menacingly at the airport for their arrival — and an attempted assassination of the minister of the presidency.
The mayor of Santa Cruz even called on the military to overthrow Morales because he was “useless.”
On the day of the vote, however, only isolated incidents occurred. While the vote affirmed strong support for the half moon prefects, it also confirmed the emergence of “the other Santa Cruz” — forces in the opposition’s heartland willing to oppose the project of the elites.
In Santa Cruz, Ruben Costas was ratified as prefect with 66.4% of the vote, while Ernesto Suarez in Beni received 64.25%, Mario Cossio in Tarija 58.06% and Leopoldo Suarez in Pando 56.21%.
At the same time, Morales scored 52% in Pando, just under 50% in Tarija and jumped from less than 20% to 43.7% in Beni. He also received the not unimportant figure of 40% support in Santa Cruz.
Only in Chuquisaca was Morales’ vote less than in 2005, although it was still a solid 53.8%.
While it was still a long way from the remarkable results of 80% support in the departments of La Paz, Oruro and Potosi, 70% in Cochabamba and the 90% achieved almost across the board in the rural electorates, the results in the east represent an important advance for the government.
Challenges
Speaking from the balcony of the presidential palace in front of thousands of supporters, Morales declared that the vote was a mandate “to continue advancing in the recuperation of natural resources, in the recuperation and nationalisation of companies”.
The vote was also a mandate to unite all Bolivians, east and west, rich and poor, stated Morales — a mandate that would be applied at all the different levels, sectors and regions of the country.
“I call on all the prefects to work for the unity of Bolivians and to work respecting Bolivian norms … The people want the prefects to be part of the nationalisation of other natural resources”, Morales proclaimed.
Morales called a meeting of all prefects to discuss how to unite autonomy statutes into the new constitution.
The conciliatory tone of Morales’ speech, which was well received by most Bolivians, contrasted sharply with the confrontational stance of the prefects of the east.
Costas declared that the vote had ratified a de facto autonomy and a rejection of the “racist” (read: indigenous) constitution that the “monkey” (Morales) wants to impose through “state terrorism”, as crowds gathered in the centre of Santa Cruz to celebrate Morales “revocation” in this region — chanting that “Evo will never set foot in Santa Cruz again”.
Toning down their rhetoric in the following days, the other prefects announced they had agreed to come to the negotiating table and discuss with Morales a way to combine the two projects.
Meeting on August 14, the government proposed attempting to make the new constitution and autonomy statutes compatible, to discuss the question of the “direct tax on hydrocarbons” (the opposition, despite massive windfalls from the tax following the gas nationalisation, has rejected government attempts to use part of this tax to fund the new pension scheme) and reaching agreement on the designation of magistrates for the constitutional tribunal and the national electoral court.
Immediately afterwards, the prefects from the half moon flew to Santa Cruz where they announced their rejection of the government’s proposal and called for a “civic stoppage” on August 19. Without a legal basis, Costa announced plans for elections to a legislative assembly in “the autonomous department of Santa Cruz” for January 25 next year.
Meanwhile the violent campaign in the east has continued. On August 13, six youths threw 10 molotov cocktails into the headquarters of the Centre for Legal Studies and Social Investigation (Cejis), which provides legal advice to indigenous and peasant organisations and where some of Morales cabinet members come from.
“I feel that the prefects only want money and do not want to touch the political question”, said Morales after the meeting. “If we interpret the sentiment expressed through the recall referendums, the Bolivian people want profound changes in the structural and especially in the political sphere. That is why I have come to the conclusion that the Bolivian people want autonomy and a new constitution.”
Vice-minister for decentralisation, Fabian Yaksic, added that the government would propose another referendum “where the people would settle the question as to whether the autonomy proposed in the new constitution is the one that most benefits the country, or if the autonomy proposal reflected in the regional statutes [promoted by the half moon authorities] does”.
Other, more hard-line voices from the radical sectors of MAS are calling for tough measures against those forces in the east that continue to violate the law. During Morales victory speech, important sections of the crowd begun to chant: “Now, for sure, it’s time to be heavy handed.”
[Federico Fuentes is the editor of http://boliviarising.blogspot.com.]
From: International News, Green Left Weekly issue #763 20 August 2008.
Indigenous Intifada of the Americas has won another victory
The trigger of South America
The Indigenous Intifada of the Americas has won another victory.
Hamid Golpira
http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2008/08/trigger-of-south-america.html
With 90 percent of the ballots counted, it seems that Bolivian
President Evo Morales received over 60 percent of the vote in Sunday's
recall election, ensuring that he will stay in office until his term
ends in 2011.
Morales, who is a member of the Aymara ethnic group, became the first
indigenous leader of Bolivia in nearly 500 years after his
inauguration in 2006.
The indigenous people of Bolivia and the rest of South America have
suffered through five centuries of oppression, which began with the
European invasion and conquest of the Americas.
In Bolivia, the situation has been terrible for the Native Americans,
even though it is one of the few indigenous majority countries of the
Americas.
The "white" upper class of Bolivia has monopolized power for 500 years
while the indigenous people have lived under a caste system which
places them at the bottom as virtual serfs.
The upper class of Bolivia identify themselves as descendents of the
white European settlers, although many are actually light-skinned
mestizos, so there is also an element of denial in the country's
racist caste system, which is often the case in racial caste systems.
The indigenous people of Bolivia were kept down, their rights were
trampled upon, and they were given little or no access to social
services, adequate health care, and higher education. In addition,
they were rarely given the opportunity to acquire higher-paying jobs
and most are still not even earning a proper living wage in Bolivia,
which is one of the poorest countries in the Americas, despite its
vast natural gas reserves.
The "white" upper class retained their privileged status through this
caste system, which marginalized the Native Americans for centuries.
And these are the same people who are behind the efforts to oust
Morales and the illegal autonomy referendums recently held in the
provinces in the eastern lowlands of the country, where many of the
"whites" live.
Morales' victory in the 2005 presidential election struck fear into
the hearts of the "white" upper class because they realized that they
were beginning to lose power.
When Morales took office and began implementing his plan to restore
the indigenous peoples' rights, rewrite the Constitution, redistribute
wealth to the poor, and renationalize the country's hydrocarbon
assets, the "white" community became even more desperate.
The illegal autonomy referendums were a part of their
counter-revolutionary response to the threat to their power and
privilege.
Che Guevara was killed in Bolivia and his remains were interred in a
secret grave there for 30 years until they were discovered in 1997 and
sent to Cuba for reburial in a more dignified grave.
It is said that the revolutionary sprit of Che lives on in Bolivia.
Indeed, in one of his first acts after taking office in 2006, Morales
hung up a portrait of Che Guevara in the presidential palace.
Commenting on the importance of the Democratic Republic of Congo,
Frantz Fanon once said: "Congo is the trigger of Africa."
And across the ocean, in Africa's twin continent, South America, which
separated when Pangaea broke up millions of years ago, Congo has a
sister country, Bolivia.
For today, Bolivia is the trigger of South America.
Bolivia is now the center of the Indigenous People's Movement of the Americas.
The winds of change are blowing across the continent of South America,
from Tiahuanaco to Ecuador and Venezuela.
In the early 1990s, the Native Americans decided that they could no
longer tolerate the fact that an official holiday named Columbus Day
was being celebrated on October 12 to commemorate the arrival of the
European conquistadors and settlers, so they renamed the day
Indigenous People's Day.
On October 12, 1992, Native Americans across the hemisphere united
from Kalaallit Nunaat to Tierra del Fuego to celebrate Indigenous
People's Day, on the very same day the European settlers were
celebrating the 500th anniversary of the invasion of the Americas.
Many say it was the first time that the Indigenous People of the
Americas had ever united for a common purpose.
Something really changed on that day and things will never be the
same. The collective consciousness of Native Americans was reawakened.
At one of the many ceremonies held throughout the double continent of
America on October 12, 1992, a traditionalist Native American made a
speech in which he said that most of the Indigenous People of the
Americas believe that time is cyclical.
He went on to say that Indigenous People's Day 1992 marked the end of
the 500-year cycle of oppression for Native Americans and the
beginning of a positive cycle for the Indigenous People of Great
Turtle Island, which is a very ancient name for the double continent
of America first mentioned in the Walam Olum of the Lenni Lenape
nation.
In addition, according to the Maya calendar, the current time cycle
began in 3114 BC and ends on December 21, 2012.
Bolivia is the trigger of South America. And Bolivia is also the
trigger of all of Great Turtle Island.
And what will happen when the trigger is pulled and the shot is fired?
Changes that we can't imagine.
As the I Ching says: "Change proves true on the day it is finished."
Republished from Tehran Times