Ebru Günay (DEM Party, Turkey): ‘Abdullah Öcalan remains a key figure for peace and dialogue in the Middle East region’

Ebru Günay was arrested in 2009 while acting as a lawyer for imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. She then spent the next five years in a Turkish prison, despite never being convicted of a crime.
Elected as a Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) MP for Mardin in 2018, Günay is today a deputy co-chair and co-spokesperson of foreign affairs for the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party), which replaced the HDP after the Turkish government threatened to ban it. The progressive and pro-Kurdish rights DEM Party is the third largest party in the Turkish parliament.
Peter Boyle interviewed Günay for LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal during her visit as part of a DEM Party delegation to Australia in mid-February.
We have seen dramatic videos of demonstrations in Van opposing the imprisonment of an elected DEM Party co-mayor. Why is the Turkish state, under the right-wing Justice and Development Party (AKP), continuing to remove popularly-elected officials in the Kurdish-majority regions? What has been the people’s response? How can peace negotiations restart if such anti-democratic actions continue to occur?
The Turkish government has been continuing these unlawful policies towards our municipalities and elected co-mayors since 2016. The main reason is that racism and Turkish nationalism is the main ideology of this government. It does not respect the rights of the Kurdish population, even though they are protected under the constitution.
The majority of Van province’s people voted for the DEM Party in the March 31 local elections last year. The DEM Party won in every municipality.
The very next day after, the government tried to seize the municipality of Van. But when they saw peoples’ reactions, that decision was withdrawn. The government has again faced similar resistance to this second attempt, with security forces attacking the people of Van into the early morning hours.
While AKP governments seek to remove our elected co-mayors, there cannot be a process of so-called “peace negotiations”. That is because peace is all about protecting and acknowledging the fundamental and democratic rights of Kurds, including the right to elect and to be elected.
Even as I am answering this question, yet another democratically elected DEM Party co-mayor, this time in Kağızman Municipality (Kars city), has been replaced by a government-appointed trustee. [This brings the total number of municipalities taken over by trustees since the local elections to 12.]
What can you tell us about the recent meetings that the DEM Party had with Öcalan?
As the DEM Party, we believe that the recent meetings with Öcalan mark a historic turning point for Turkey’s democratisation and the resolution of the Kurdish issue. After nearly ten years of absolute isolation, these two meetings have once again highlighted Öcalan’s decisive role in the process.
The first meeting took place on December 28 last year. In this meeting Öcalan emphasised the need to strengthen peace among peoples and underlined the importance of dialogue for the democratic and political resolution of the Kurdish issue. He shared his assessments on how a new negotiation process should be shaped in light of past experiences. Öcalan stated that ensuring social peace is not solely the responsibility of the state but requires all segments of society to take part in the process.
The second meeting was held on January 22. In this discussion Öcalan provided a comprehensive analysis of political developments in Turkey and the region, highlighting the steps needed to secure the democratic rights of Kurdish people and achieve a peaceful resolution. He also evaluated the shortcoming of previous negotiation processes and discussed how a new process could be built on more solid foundations.
Öcalan once again reaffirmed his role in the resolution process, demonstrating that he remains a key figure for peace and dialogue. He emphasised that the resolution of the Kurdish issue is not only crucial for the Kurdish people but for the shared future of all peoples in Turkey.
As the DEM Party, we reiterate that Öcalan’s role in this process cannot be ignored and that a democratic resolution can only be achieved through dialogue and negotiation. These meetings are not only significant for the Kurdish issue but form a crucial part of Turkey’s broader democratisation process.
What can the experiences of democratic confederalism and women’s empowerment that have been central to the Rojava revolution in north and east Syria offer a post-Assad Syria? Is it possible for the various forces controlling different parts of Syria to agree to some form of democratic and peaceful arrangement?
The experience of the Rojava Revolution, based on democratic confederalism and women’s empowerment, offers a comprehensive and inclusive alternative for a post-Assad Syria. This model envisions a system where people govern themselves at the local level through direct democracy, rather than a centralised state.
The active participation of women in all spheres, from politics to the economy, security and diplomacy, also presents a transformative potential for Syria‘s future.
Democratic confederalism provides a framework in which different ethnic and religious communities can coexist, with their cultural and political rights constitutionally protected. Rojava’s experience serves as a concrete example of how Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Armenians and Turkmens can share governance through common administrative structures.
For Syria to achieve stability after Assad, such an inclusive governance model could be a fundamental pillar of a peaceful solution, replacing centralised and authoritarian structures.
However, reaching a democratic and peaceful agreement among the various forces controlling different parts of Syria remains highly challenging given current political and military dynamics. Turkey’s ongoing attacks against the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (also known as Rojava), the alliance between Iran, Russia and the Assad regime, as well as the uncertain policies of the United States in the region, represent major obstacles to democratic resolution.
Furthermore, some factions of the Syrian opposition continue to advocate for a centralised and Islamist-leaning government, making it difficult for them to accept Rojava’s multicultural and democratic model.
Nevertheless, for Syria to achieve long term peace, regional powers and the international community must support solutions such as the local governance model offered by democratic confederalism. The self-administration experience in Rojava is not solely built on the balance of military power but on the political will of people to coexist. In the long run, it could play a critical role in rebuilding Syria.
If a peace process is to be initiated among different actors, it must be centred around the Rojava model, which upholds the political will of the people and recognises women’s freedom as a fundamental principle.
Will the Turkish state allow a peaceful settlement in Syria?
The Turkish state has demonstrated through its recent actions that the AKP government pursues the most aggressive policies, which do not contribute to lasting peace in Syria. While all other groups called for peaceful negotiations following the fall of the Assad regime, the AKP government and its local ally, the so-called Syrian National Army (SNA), launched a military operation targeting Manbij and Tishrin Dam.
It is nearly impossible to achieve a peaceful settlement for all of Syria as long as the Turkish government persists with military operations. This issue must be addressed through an international response. If AKP’s aggression towards Rojava continues, lasting peace will remain out of reach for a long time, similar to the ongoing situation in Libya.
The DEM Party sent a delegation to the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq. What does the DEM hope to achieve from this?
The DEM Party’s visit to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq was also an İmralı Delegation visit, carried out in accordance with Öcalan’s request. This meeting took place following recent discussions with Öcalan, aiming to observe and assess how different Kurdish political actors approach the ongoing dialogue process.
The delegation held various meetings in the KRG to strengthen intra-Kurdish dialogue and discuss regional developments from a peaceful resolution perspective. These engagements represent a significant step in evaluating regional political dynamics and developing a common approach.
The delegation is planning to hold another meeting with Öcalan in the coming days to convey the insights gained from the KRG visit. Advancing this process requires gathering perspectives from different actors, understanding regional powers’ positions and proceeding with a solution-oriented approach.
As the DEM Party, we believe that dialogue and negotiation are the most effective methods for securing the political, cultural and democratic rights of the Kurdish people. All parties should prioritise peaceful resolution processes over military and confrontational approaches. In this regard, strengthening dialogue and establishing common solution mechanisms are of vital importance for the future of the Kurdish people.
How do you see the Kurdish struggle intersecting with other liberation struggles in the Middle East, including the Palestinian struggle?
National liberation movements have different historical backgrounds and none of them can be solved by the same methodologies. Of course, every experience from the conflict resolution processes may contribute to overcoming deadlocks for another one.
It is clear that Syrian Kurds, Iraqi Kurds, Iran’s Kurds and Turkey’s Kurds struggle under different conditions and with different regional actors. However, any developments in a part of Kurdistan undoubtedly directly affects other parts of Kurdistan and the related states as well.
That is why the situation in Palestine and Kurdistan have to be evaluated in their specific conditions. Of course, critical principles based on fundamental rights and successfully experienced methodologies can allow actors involved in the regional crises to avoid mistakes.
Finally, what would you urge the Australian government to do to help advance the search for peace and justice in the Middle East?
The Australian government has been part of the Global Coalition To Defeat ISIS for nearly a decade. While the threat of ISIS continues to loom in the region, the people of Syria are striving for lasting peace, to return of their homes, and to establish a new country that will not make the same mistakes that the Assad regime committed for decades.
In this context, the international community and states have a crucial role and responsibility. First, all states, including neighbouring countries, must respect the decisions and will of the people of Syria. Secondly, these states have a responsibility to hold accountable those countries that have directly or indirectly intervened in Syria and its people.
Therefore, Australia, as a member of the Global Coalition and as a country that fully supports democratisation, should play an active role in helping the people of Syria achieve lasting peace, which will contribute to stability in the region and the world.