Salih Muslim (Democratic Unity Party) on dialogue with HTS and Turkey, and Rojava’s example for a democratic and inclusive Syria

First published at Medya News.

The past few weeks have been transformative for Syria, marked by the sudden collapse of the Assad regime after over five decades in power. In the vacuum created, the transitional government led by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) has assumed a significant role, reshaping the political landscape. However, this has not brought stability. There have been renewed offensives by Turkish-backed mercenary groups under the Syrian National Army (SNA). The attacks, concentrated on Kurdish-led regions such as Tel Rifaat (Til Rifat) and Manbij (Minbîc), have brought devastation and reports of crimes against humanity, further complicating hopes for peace in the war-torn nation.

In parallel, a US-brokered ceasefire in Manbij (Minbîc) between Turkish-backed SNA mercenary groups and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) has brought the hope of dialogue initiatives aimed at crafting an inclusive transition process for a new Syria, with an emphasis on the participation of Kurdish-led regions. But questions remain about the sustainability of these efforts and the challenges posed by external actors such as Turkey.

Against this turbulent backdrop, Medya News sought the perspective of a leading figure in NE Syria’s political framework, Salih Muslim. As the co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the leading party in the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), Muslim has been a steadfast advocate for Kurdish rights and a democratic vision for Syria. He was also witness to the liberation of Kobani (Kobanê), a pivotal moment in the fight against ISIS.

During the interview, Muslim delves into key issues shaping Syria’s future: dialogue with HTS and Turkey, the implications of the US-brokered ceasefire, Turkey’s actions in Kurdish regions, and the vision for a democratic and inclusive Syria. Drawing on his experiences, he also reflects on Kobani’s legacy and its resonance at the current time.

Here is our conversation with Salih Muslim, veteran voice in the pursuit of peace and democracy for a new democratic future Syria, lightly edited for clarity.

The transitional government led by HTS marks a significant shift in Syria’s political landscape. How does the AANES view dialogue or coexistence with such groups, particularly given HTS’s history? Is there room for negotiation to achieve a peaceful and inclusive future for Syria?

Yes. First of all I congratulate all the Syrian people for this victory. They have been able to get rid of the despotic regime that has controlled Syria for [nearly] 60 years. And in particular, this HTS that has taken power in Damascus. They are now governing, they are talking about coexistence with all the components of Syria.

The Kurds, the Syriacs and the other communities — and also from a religious point of view with the Yazidis, Christians, Alawites and Shiites — everybody can live together in a democratic Syria. So this is a big step towards the democratic Syria that we are fighting for. As for the dialogue, I think it’s too early to talk about it now, because we still [need] two or three days.

But we are looking for ways to contact them. Maybe we can go to Damascus and they can come to us. We’re trying and we’re looking for the ways.

And now maybe we have some contacts through mediators like the International Coalition [to Defeat ISIS], but I think we have to do it face-to-face, or get together, to discuss the problems of the Syrians. For their past, of course, everybody knows that HTS has a history. There was al-Nusra Front, and there were jihadists and so on in the beginning.

But now they are trying to change. So we will try to be helpful and we will try to help them to succeed in this change, to be able to deal with all Syrians, I mean, the different components. But the problem is not them, the problem is the other group that they are coordinating with, the SNA.

This group is completely different. This group [SNA] are mercenaries used by Turkey, and Turkey has used them in many places. They have used them in Libya, in Somalia, in Kenya, in Azerbaijan and now they are using them here.

Turkey are pushing the SNA against us and still there are some clashes in our areas, I mean between the administration, the Syrian Democratic Forces, and these groups in Manbij (Minbîc) and elsewhere. And their attacks haven’t stopped yet. Even the Turkish government [itself], they are still attacking through the border using drones, shelling and so on, still continuing.

But we are trying to achieve a good deal with HTS in Damascus.

The recent US-brokered ceasefire and reports of a dialogue process involving the AANES are pivotal. Can you elaborate on the conditions and objectives of this dialogue? How does the AANES plan to ensure the protection and representation of Kurdish-led regions in the new political framework?

We are trying to have all the components of the democratic self-administration in our areas, in the northeast of Syria, especially with the Kurdish parties, to have a joint delegation for this dialogue with the new authorities in Damascus.

We are looking forward to that. And from the other side, we have our forces, the self-defence forces. If there is an attack in our areas, we will try to protect our areas.

We defend ourselves. So that is what we are doing. But it’s too early now to talk about ongoing negotiations. We hope that in the near future we will be able to make contact and make some agreements with them.

Turkey’s actions, including their backing of the SNA and their reported crimes in areas like Tel Rifaat and Manbij, remain a major challenge. In light of these developments, do you believe a sustainable peace with Turkey is achievable? What are the main prerequisites for such a dialogue?

Turkey is looking for a new Ottoman Empire. I mean, they are trying to… they have been involved in the Syrian crisis from the beginning until now. So they have expectations.

I mean, they are trying to do it. And what is wrong is, they see the Kurds as their enemies. I mean, they don’t accept Kurdish existence anywhere, not only in Turkey.

So that is the reason why they are attacking us. And they may now be sending these groups, the SNA, into our areas to attack. So, if they give this up, if they hold back their hand from Syria, I think it will be okay.

It will be okay. We can make peace and a sustainable, peaceful Syria. But because Turkey is involved, it is difficult to do that.

Or they should give up these expansionist tendencies towards a new Ottoman Empire. And they should look for peace, I think. But these conditions after, these fights in Manbij and the other [places], it seems Turkey does not accept them yet.

I mean, they haven’t changed their mind and their policy towards Syria, which makes things very difficult now.

The collapse of the Assad regime opens the door for a re-imagined Syria. What role does the AANES envision for itself in building a democratic and inclusive Syria? How can minority rights and governance structures be integrated into this vision?

Well, we are looking for the unity of Syria and we would like to build a decentralised Syria, maybe the democratic way. Some of them, they call it federalism. Some of them, the original autonomous areas. 

But anyway, what we are doing now in our areas, we have all these components. The Kurds, the Syriacs and all the components, are living together.

And we have a social contract, which is like a constitution for our area. And we believe that what we are doing here in the administration, and this social contract would be very comfortable for all Syrians. So it could be expanded.

And of course we have to, if there are things that we can maybe improve in this contract with the other partners in the future Syria, even hold discussions with the other parties and the governing… I mean the authorities in Damascus. So we have to reach an agreement for all Syrians. And I think Syria cannot go back to before 2011.

It should be a new Syria. The new Syria should recognise the rights of all the components living in Syria. So I think we will be able to do it if we are serious about peace and stability in Syria.

You have personally endured immense loss during the liberation of Kobani, a city symbolic of resistance against ISIS. How does your experience during those times shape your current vision for peace and reconciliation in Syria? What message do you have for the people of Kobani and the broader Kurdish population amid these uncertain times?

We as Kurdish people have been ignored by war for 100 years, a century.

And everybody wanted to destroy us, the Kurdish people. They didn’t accept our existence. And of course, this struggle, and now everybody knows the Kurds and the Kurdish people and that they have their democratic rights and so on.

Of course, the price was very high, I mean with the blood of the young people, of the Syrians, of the Kurdish people. And of course our family was one of the families that paid the price of this struggle. And if we are not looking for more sacrifices and more victims, we have to find an end to that, which is peace, to live in peace.

The others, I mean the Syrians, accept to live together, there will be no problem. And I think we have paid the price, what we have paid is enough to have freedom and democracy in Syria. And I hope that we will be able to do it in these days.