The two main problems preventing the Ukraine war from ending

Despite some expectations, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine continues and escalates. Every day, I see horrific images of massive destruction in my hometown of Kyiv, in Kharkiv, and other beautiful cities, which are hard to imagine. Scenes worthy of a disaster movie have become part of our daily lives. Places where we used to walk have been reduced to ashes and ruins. Meanwhile, the Russian invaders are launching new attacks, not only in the east and south, but also in the north, in the Sumy region. 

Here in Ukraine, this war truly has the character of a people’s war due to the scale of the population’s participation in the war effort: more than a million people serve in the army, a few more are engaged in critical infrastructure sectors, and many more participate in volunteer activities.

Even my life as a civilian and labor rights activist has changed radically. I receive messages from railway workers who need money to buy drones and other equipment; relatives of workers killed in missile strikes at their workplace inform me of problems with social assistance; nurses near the front lines complain about not receiving the bonuses to which they are entitled. We sometimes manage to overcome these difficulties, but we all want the war to end as quickly as possible.

Of course, the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian defenders and the remarkable special operations carried out on Russian territory have largely contributed to demilitarizing the Kremlin’s war machine. But after losing US military support, Ukraine’s chances of a strategic victory have diminished.

The Istanbul negotiations clearly demonstrated that the Ukrainian position had become much more flexible and aimed for a peaceful solution (a 30-day ceasefire, for example). On the contrary, Russian demands appear even more offensive and aggressive. Thanks to Donald Trump, Russia has seized the initiative on the battlefield, which reflects objective reality. The impossibility of ending the war stems from the weakness of Ukraine’s negotiating position and cannot be overcome by a more drastic mobilization of troops.

So, what are the factors weakening Ukraine?

Problem #1 – The pseudo-pacifism of Western progressive forces

The first problem is particularly painful for me to admit. Many people within the socialist movement traditionally refuse to address issues such as violence, the state, and sovereignty. This leads them to misunderstand the Ukrainian situation. Some of them fail to recognize the decolonial and anti-imperialist nature of the Ukrainian struggle. 

This analysis is based on an outdated view of the international system, in which the United States is seen as the sole imperialist and Russia as its victim. Even Donald Trump, who warmly “understands” Putin’s imperialist sentiments, has not changed the conclusions of those who call themselves left-wing intellectuals. The most reactionary regimes in American and Russian history are exerting enormous pressure on Ukraine, while some seek arguments to explain why the attacked nation does not deserve international support. I wonder how the protagonists of the “proxy war” theory cope with the fact that Ukraine continues its fight without direct US assistance and despite its opposition.

Many left-wing activists oppose military support because of their anti-militarist ethos. Providing a sophisticated philosophical motivation for not sending weapons to an invaded country leads to more suffering for innocent people. The contradictory nature of this statement becomes particularly absurd when defended by those who claim to be revolutionaries or radicals... To me, it is clear that these dreamers want to lead a prosperous life within the capitalist system without having any real prospect of overthrowing it. To be against armaments is to reconcile oneself with the evil of slavery.

Living under NATO protection and fearing “excessive militarization” of Ukraine seems hypocritical.

And the opposite: if Ukrainian workers win the war, they will be sufficiently inspired to continue their emancipatory struggle for social justice. Their energy will strengthen the international workers’ movement. The experience of armed resistance and collective action is an essential prerequisite for the emergence of genuine social movements that will challenge the system.

Problem #2: The Ukrainian state’s inability to put the public interest before market interests

Ukraine’s ruling elites promote the free market and the profit-driven system as the only possible way to organize the economy. Any idea of ​​state planning or enterprise nationalization can be dismissed as a Soviet legacy. The problem is that the Ukrainian version of capitalism is completely peripheral and incompatible with mobilizing the resources needed for the war effort.

The prevailing ideological dogmatism places Ukraine in the trap of economic privatization and heavy dependence on foreign aid.

We live in a country where statesmen are rich and the state is poor. The government is trying to reduce its responsibility in managing the economic process and avoid imposing a high progressive tax on the rich and corporations. This leads to a situation where the burden of war is borne by ordinary citizens who pay taxes on their meager wages, serve in the army, lose their homes, and so on.

It is impossible to imagine unemployment during a period of total war. But in Ukraine, there is simultaneously an extremely high level of economic inactivity among the population and an incredible labor shortage. These shortcomings are explained by the state’s reluctance to create jobs and the lack of a strategy to massively involve the population in the economy through employment agencies. 

Our politicians believe that the historical imbalances in the labor market can be resolved without active state intervention! Unfortunately, the deregulatory reforms implemented during the war have created numerous disincentives that discourage Ukrainians from finding paid employment. Therefore, the quality of employment must be improved through higher wages, rigorous labor inspections, and ample space for workplace democracy.

Only democratic socialist politics can pave the way for a sustainable future for Ukraine, where all productive forces will work for national defense and socially just protection.

We must now get straight to the point. Without comprehensive military and humanitarian support, Ukraine will be unable to protect its democracy, and its defeat will have repercussions for the level of political freedom worldwide. On the other hand, we must criticize Ukrainian government officials and their inability to end the neoliberal consensus that is undermining the war effort. It would be especially difficult to win a war against a foreign invader when the country faces numerous internal problems related to a dysfunctional capitalist economy.