Scotland: Socialists discuss building a 'better left'

The Scottish Socialist Party's Colin Fox marching in the Edinburgh May Day, 2013.

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June 17, 2013 -- Frontline, an independent Marxist magazine is Scotland, hosted a meeting recently which brought together socialists from different backgrounds to look at the question of building left unity in Scotland. In the first article below Frontline editor Alister Black reflects on the challenges ahead. Below are also articles from sections of the Scottish left that discuss the prospects for a better left in Scotland.

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As May Day came around, socialists took to the streets to celebrate international workers' day, to campaign against Tory austerity, for international solidarity and for a better world. In Scotland May Day had another significance this year as it marked 500 days until the referendum on Scottish independence. The referendum has energised activists and is increasingly the context in which protest exists within. The May Day march in Edinburgh saw a big contribution by independence campaigners following on from similar displays at the ant-bedroom tax and anti-Trident submarine demos. Homemade placards can be seen at all these events with the same message – things could be better in an independent Scotland.

The Scottish left is overwhelmingly pro-independence. At the same time there is an understanding that things will not automatically get better if we replace the union flag with the saltire. Change in favour of working people has to be fought for. To achieve change we have to be organised and we have to be united.

The Scottish Socialist Party achieved a real step forward for left politics 10 years ago when it united most of the Scottish left, built branches across the country and had six members elected to the Scottish parliament. The SSP succeeded in pulling Scottish politics to the left – elements of the SSP program such as free prescriptions were taken up by the Scottish National Party (SNP) administration and enacted into law. An effective and united left can pose a real challenge and make a real difference to the lives of working-class people in Scotland.

A tale of two cities

Left politics in Scotland is in a very fluid state. The success of the Radical Independence Campaign in bringing the left together is one side of this. The other side is long-term activists leaving their parties, of splits and new formations and sometimes of people dropping out of politics altogether. The last issue of Frontline detailed some of these trends. Since it was written we have seen a formal split in the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) with a new group the International Socialist Network (ISN) being formed. Other SWP dissidents remain in the party to fight their corner, for now.

Activists in Edinburgh have been able to work together in increasingly cooperative ways. Radical Independence in Edinburgh hosted the biggest rally of RIC’s "Peoples Assembly" tour with 150 packing in to hear speakers and debate. Recent branch meetings have seen crowds of 50 turn up and have been full of enthusiasm, plans are underway to launch local branches across the city. It was RIC in Edinburgh who organised a hugely succesful protest against far-right UK Independence Party leader Nigel Farage’s visit to the city, which brought dozens out on the streets with just a couple of hours' notice and made virtually every front page of the national press the following day.

In Glasgow, by contrast, the atmosphere has been described as toxic with conflict arising over the attempt by Tommy Sheridan to make a comeback in Scottish politics on the back of the campaign against the bedroom tax with the help of elements of the SWP. The fallout of the SWP rape scandal has also led to some bitter confrontations.

Is left unity possible?

It was against this background that Frontline organise a fringe meeting at the SSP conference which asked "is left unity possible in Scotland?" The SSP conference itself had set a positive tone by passing a motion which called on the party to look into the possibility of a broad left platform for the European elections in May 2014.

Thirteen people attended from five different groups. These were the SSP, including co-spokesperson Colin Fox, the International Socialist Group (ISG), the IS Network, the Republican Communist Network (RCN) and some who were still members of the SWP. The discussion was comradely and participants are to be congratulated for having the courage to come together to discuss these issues.

The meeting was addressed by Gregor Gall, a member of the Frontline editorial board and also an SSP member and by Pete Ramand of the International Socialist Group (ISG). Both outlined the position the left found itself in and the opportunity of the current period for building unity.

First, there was general agreement that there is no real programmatic difference between the groups, or at least in the broad demands they would put forward. There was a recognition that the division of the left was unsustainable and that some sort of renewal of the left, drawing on the spirit of the Radical Independence Conference was the way forward.

Identifying issues

The speed, scale and feasibility of unity were areas where differences could be seen. For the ISG and most likely the IS Network, the sooner this can be achieved the better. The ISG made clear that it saw itself  as a temporary formation that would be happy to dissolve into a broader group. The IS Network perspective seemed to be that left unity was one of its key priorities. This is certainly supported by its activity in England where it has been in talks with Socialist Resistance and the Anti-Capitalist Initiative and has oriented towards the new Left Unity formation.

However many speakers, particularly from the SSP, were concerned that we need to make sure we did not repeat the mistakes of the past. After all the SSP had formed as a party of left unity, but despite all the constitutional safeguards in place, that unity was wrecked by the split. How, they argued, could we trust those who had taken part in this split without a full accounting for what took place?

Similarly the RCN emphasised the need for a political balance sheet to be drawn up of events – something they argued had not been sufficiently done by either side.

Learning lessons

Of course as well as the negative lessons of the SSP split it is also important to assess the positive aspects and learn the lessons of how the SSP built. The SSP was able to capture tens of thousands of votes and gain six seats in parliament as well as building dozens of branches across Scotland and attracting the best working class militants to its ranks, including affiliation from the likes of the RMT union and Lothians postal workers. It was to the fore in every arena of working-class struggle.

The party did not materialise out of thin air or because some of us thought it was a good idea. It emerged from the mass struggle against the poll tax, a struggle which had a positive effect on one of the key groups who led it, Scottish Militant Labour (SML). SML began a process of working with those allies it had encountered in the poll tax struggle. It formed the Scottish Defiance Alliance to campaign against the Criminal Justice Act, and organise illegal protests against it. This group encompassed everyone from anarchists and radical greens to community groups and the Marxist left.

The Defiance Alliance led to the creation of the Scottish Socialist Alliance. Not everyone stayed on board for this development and some who did remained distrustful of the intentions of SML. Relations between groups in the early stages could be antagonistic. It was a process of working together in campaigns, in elections and in meetings and discussions which began to overcome this distrust.

Trust remains a key issue in building left unity today. Activists from all sides need to demonstrate in practical terms that they have rejected the methods of the past, the methods of cynically using struggles as nothing more than an opportunity to recruit to their own brand of socialism, or of building party-front type organisations.

This is not to say that there should not be open debate and discussions about our differences. Far better to have an open and honest discussion than to hide our differences or rely on back-room maneuvers. Building unity is a process and not something we can simply declare.

Next steps

Some meetings have already been hosted by the RCN and these are likely to continue with a broader range of participants. The IS Network also stated that they intend to host meetings on the subject and would be inviting participants

Frontline is happy to play its part in this process and we are glad that many of the organisations and individuals involved have offered their perspectives for this issue of Frontline.

There is a long way to go and different views regarding the way forward. However there are some key events coming up. The SSP conference passed a motion calling for a broad left slate for the 2014 European elections. This could be a rallying point for the next stage in rebuilding a serious socialist force in Scotland.

The Scottish Socialist Party and the fight for a better left in Scotland

By Colin Fox

I attended the Frontline fringe meeting on "The prospects for Left unity" at the Scottish Socialist Party conference in Edinburgh recently and enjoyed listening to Gregor Gall (SSP) and Pete Ramand (ISG) outline the issues facing us. While nothing new arose from the discussion it nonetheless offered a chance to examine the issues afresh with representatives from the SWP, ISG and IS Network. So I welcome this further opportunity to calmly consider the position facing those of us committed to building a broad based, mass socialist party in Scotland.

Looking at the left in Scotland today reminds me of Tony Benn’s observation, offered to me as a young socialist some 30 years ago, "there are too many socialist parties and not enough socialists".

In this article I look at the current situation, the lessons of previous successes, the type of program and model of unity we need, the impediments to unity and offer suggestions on how progress might nonetheless be made, and last but not least, I consider the views some have presented about abandoning the need for a party altogether. Inevitably an article like this can only scratch the surface of this debate, but I offer it nonetheless.

SSP success

Before I consider all those issues however I feel compelled to focus this discussion on one incontrovertible truth, the Scottish Socialist Party remains the most successful left unity model in post war Scottish history. That fact seems to be lost on many people, not least those former SSP "comrades" subsequently blinded by their desire to bury us. I would respectfully suggest that instead of writing off the SSP they might be better served studying why we succeeded and what lessons are to be learned from that early experience. No student serious about this discussion would surely dispute that such an exercise offers a treasury of valuable information?

The SSP’s emergence in 1998/9 was no accident. Rather it was the result of a strategic political decision and a lengthy process of deliberation, discussion and agreement. Scottish Militant Labour (SML), the project’s driving influence, began making overtures to others on the anti-capitalist left in Scotland in 1995/6 about the possibility of a political realignment. This realignment would give voice to substantial sections of the Scottish working class who felt disenfranchised by Labour’s historic lurch to the right.

Contact was sought and made with like-minded comrades from the Labour left, the SNP left (gathered around Liberation magazine), the Communist Party of Scotland, trade union activists, intellectuals, peaceniks, direct action environmental campaigners and many non-aligned socialists across Scotland. Agreement was reached on a substantial political program based on shared anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, pro-public ownership policies and not least a pro-independence program and to enlist SML’s skills base, its finances, its elected representatives, its full-time organisers, its weekly newspaper [Scottish Socialist Voice] and its membership to help launch the Scottish Socialist Alliance.

We had been heavily involved in campaigns like the Liverpool Dockers Support Group, the Hands off our Water campaign, the Glacier Metals dispute on Glasgow’s Southside and we had worked well together on single issues. Through this alliance we achieved a remarkable degree of political unity, cohesion and trust around a program that enjoyed the support of everyone on most key issues. Where there was discord on policy, such as Ireland, we agreed to "park" those debates for the time being having reached the maximum consensual agreement possible.

On top of this programmatic unity we built organisational strength and trust by adopting a groundbreaking constitution that included a series of clauses based on a pluralist and democratic model. Comrades from SML, for example, recognising the need to display unity and respect in action as much as in words, suggested all platforms, tendencies and groups should have equal voting rights regardless of their numerical strength. This was an important commitment designed to emphasise the politically pluralist nature of the new alliance and build the necessary understanding, trust and respect between all the groups involved.

The undoubted success of the Scottish Socialist Alliance – modest at first – developed into the Scottish Socialist Party (SSP). This crucial step from a loose alliance to a tighter party was deemed necessary if we were to win a seat in the inaugural Holyrood elections of 1999. We felt this victory was within our reach and we saw the huge electoral opportunity it offered in gaining further political credibility and mass popular support.

Of course not everyone on the left joined in this left unity project. The Socialist Labour Party of Arthur Scargill for example rejected the idea as they did not support Scotland's independence and also opposed the "bottom up" democratic structure of the new party, preferring a powerful hegemonic role for Scargill instead. It was nonetheless an important part of the left in Scotland at that time and went on to stand against the SSP in the 1999 Holyrood elections. Despite polling more votes across Scotland they did not win any seats. Had there been one left candidate in each region we would have won five socialist members of the Scottish parliament (MSPs).

The Socialist Workers Party (SWP) also dismissed the SSA/SSP project out of hand. In fact the SWP denounced the SSP as "reformist" and "nationalist" because we called for an independent socialist Scotland. Whereas, until recently, it had been ambivalent on the issue of Scotland's independence, at that time the SWP opposed it. It preferred to call for a vote for the Labour Party in 1997.

"Vote Labour and build a socialist alternative" was the SWP's slogan as we in the SSA were building that very "alternative". To be fair the SWP did change its mind when the SSP won a seat at Holyrood and tripled our membership in the 12 months following.

The SSP continued to operate on this pluralist basis with an unparalleled democratic constitution unmatched anywhere else on the left. We enshrined open platform rights for all registered tendencies including the newly joined SWP with branches meeting fortnightly, elected regional committees, a quarterly national committee and an annual delegate conference whose decisions were sovereign.

We built the SSP inside and outside parliament and confounded sceptics inside and outside the left with our progress. We effectively led the anti-war movement in Scotland and were present on every picket line, community fight back and progressive campaign in the land. In 2003 we won six MSPs, secured 131,000 votes for a full-blooded socialist program and changed the face of Scottish politics entirely.

We soon had 3000 members in 80 branches organised across seven regions.

And what are the lessons? That with a pluralist, inclusive, democratic and bold orientation to the masses, in particular to new layers of activists entering the fray, it was possible to build a popular and effective broad, socialist party. This impressive achievement was widely acknowledged and respected.

SSP lives on

The SSP remains at the heart of an albeit diminished left in Scotland today. Yet there has been a tendency for many on the left to write the SSP’s political obituary over the past few years. And the words of the author and wit Mark Twain seem most apt here: "Rumours of my death’ he famously noted ‘have been greatly exaggerated."

And as the national convenor/spokesperson of the SSP throughout the last eight years I pay tribute to the incredible dedication, unbreakable loyalty and personal nobility of those hundreds of members who stuck with their party, and indeed who joined it afresh, and carried out important groundbreaking work often in the face of "tortuous" provocation. We defended our party in the bourgeois courts, in the bourgeois press and most importantly of all in the court of working-class public opinion despite being vilified and blackened by almost everyone including so called former "comrades" to a degree non-members can barely imagine.

So I feel duty bound to insist, and here I put it most modestly, that the SSP has a great deal of experience, judgement and knowledge to offer this debate. Those who talk of a "post-SSP" political landscape are guilty of wishful thinking. The Scottish Socialist Party, now 15 years old, has every intention of being here in another 15 years!

Despite the obvious setback the Tommy Sheridan debacle inflicted on our project, and I will return to that presently, the SSP today remains the only socialist party in Scotland with an elected municipal councillor (Jim Bollan in West Dumbartonshire), the only party with a fortnightly socialist newspaper edited, printed and published in Scotland (the Scottish Socialist Voice), the only socialist party with a seat on the Yes Scotland Advisory Board, with a network of full-time organisers and branches throughout Scotland, active on the streets, in communities and in the trade unions. Moreover in former MSP’s John McAllion and Campbell Martin we have two figures hugely respected within the Labour and SNP left respectively. And last but not least we have a profound knowledge of working-class struggle in Scotland, both at community and workplace levels, with an unrivalled track record of engaging in such struggles raising our socialist vision and alternatives.

So while I have no intention of belittling anyone else’s role, I am sure no one will want to see the SSP denied the respect we are due.

A better left in Scotland

All that having been said I entirely accept the left in Scotland could and should be doing far better. Our shared frustration then must surely compel us to re-examine what progress might be made.

On the positive side there is much that unites us on policy. Nor do we disagree by and large about the possibilities for advancing socialist ideas. I will therefore not take up much space here outlining those possibilities, suffice it to say that the worst economic recession in 80 years is forcing many people to draw conclusions favourable to ours. And their widespread experience, of falling living standards and corrupt mainstream politics, opens up minds previously closed to us. Moreover the movements growing in opposition to austerity and the cuts augurs well for the left. And the rising independence movement provides further substantial possibilities for advance as Stephen Maxwell points out in his book, Arguments for Independence’

Yet while we can be positive about the strength of the program we share and the rise, albeit uneven, in working-class consciousness, we must all equally recognise that the left's divisions often confuse, demoralise and even anger many sections of the working class looking to us for assistance and leadership.

What then are the impediments to progress and how can they be ameliorated?

If "we agree on 90% of issues and disagree on 10%", how profound is the 10%?

There is certainly a fundamental difference between those of us who believe you start with a socialist party and try to build it and those who aim to transform existing non-socialist parties like Labour or the SNP. While I respect all tactical considerations, for me this "entryism" appears pointless as the Labour Party continues to move further and further to the right and encompass a neoliberal model that is the antithesis of social democracy, far less socialism. So while I respect those socialists like Neil Findlay, MSP, who argues (in The Scottish Road to Socialism) that since Labour and the SNP enjoy mass support the left must work inside them otherwise it confines itself to the electoral wilderness, I think this position is just not credible or sustainable. Either way it is certainly no basis for uniting the left in Scotland.

So if the first aim is a common program, the second is surely an agreed political orientation. And the best way to build an effective broad left party is by orienting to new layers of activists not joining neoliberal parties.

There is one other issue that cannot be avoided in any honest examination of the prospects for principled, sustainable left unity in Scotland today. And that is the rather euphemistically referenced "Sheridan" issue. Tommy Sheridan’s decision to sue a tabloid newspaper over stories he knew to be true was foolhardy in the extreme. His demand that all 3000 members of the SSP traipse into court and perjure themselves for him was worse. But his all out attempt to destroy the Scottish Socialist Party did more damage to the socialist cause here than Margaret Thatcher could ever dream of. And despite a three years' prison sentence, convicted on several counts of perjury, he has never shown an ounce of remorse. Were he capable of taking responsibility for his actions he might eventually be forgiven. In the meantime he remains an utterly divisive and widely ridiculed political figure. Too many people would not work with him again nor trust him not to wreck the socialist movement a second time.

After examining these impediments what do we find? Is any progress possible? I believe it is. After all we work well together in the Yes Scotland movement, in the Radical Independence Campaign, in Trades Unionists for Independence, in the anti-Trident coalition, in local cuts groups and against the hated "bedroom tax".

European elections

The SSP is keen for example to engage with others on the left to examine the possibility of presenting a common program and joint slate for next years European Parliament elections. Now it might be possible and it might not, but we are fully prepared to give the project our best efforts.

Clearly working together in joint campaigns with shared goals is one thing, constructing an organised mass party is quite another. The SSP has developed a comprehensive socialist program over the years that takes up the rights of working-class people and links their immediate concerns and struggles to policies that challenge capitalism and promote socialism. No other group on the left in Scotland has invested as much in such a rounded-out socialist challenge to capitalism that can appeal to broad masses of working class people.

A party or a movement?

And this brings me to the question others have posed in this discussion "Is such a party desirable"? In my view it is essential. For me there are no realistic or workable alternatives to a party. I hear people talk about how the era of political parties is over, bypassed by events and that single-issue campaigns, networks or groups, like the Occupy movement, are the way ahead. And I must say, while I listen carefully to their case, I must confess I have never found it persuasive. Groups, networks and alliances have their place of course but they are transitional. The Scottish Socialist Alliance for example was always clear it would aim to become a party.

And as I understand for example that the SNP has just reached 25,000 members in Scotland it would appear they have found a way forward as a party.

There are in truth no short cuts to party building and no substitute for painstaking effort and patient party organisation. The distilled experience and learning a party collects is invaluable to the socialist struggle. There is a quote Jack Straw celebrated as leader of the National Union of Students. Unfashionably it was from Stalin and went, "When the political line has been decided organisation is everything." Dare I say it, there is much sense in Josep Djugashvili’s famous aphorism. To suggest the socialist struggle can be advanced in the face of ruthless capitalism and the state, its political instruments and our political enemies without an organised, disciplined and effective party organisation is to deny history and to prepare for failure.

So whom are we all aiming at in trying to build this new party? For me it’s the new layers of young activists changing their political allegiances and open to democratic, pluralist and above all socialist ideas. And in this regard the Yes movement and the Radical Independence Campaign are key. A Yes vote in the 2014 independence referendum will transform politics in Scotland and throughout Britain. That prospect offers enormous opportunities for the left in the run up to the crucial 2016 Holyrood elections where we again have a realistic prospect of winning seats.

And what model of party is required? For me the SSP at its height remains the most successful, democratic, plural and disciplined example I’ve ever seen. Regardless of whether you agreed with it or not, it had and still has a coherent narrative with a fully worked out anti-capitalist program. The SSP remains a central feature of the socialist landscape in Scotland and can again provide the basis for building the broad-based, mass party of socialism we desire.

Our party has seen clear and welcome signs of renewal these past few months. We have seen a tremendous improvement in the numbers attending our public meetings up and down the country, for example on "The case for an independent socialist Scotland" with John McAllion, Campbell Martin, John Finnie, myself and Sandra Webster. More than 100 people have applied to join via our national website in the past two months as our support for an independent socialist Scotland and our opposition to the bedroom tax and the worst recession in 80 years reaches a wider and wider audience. The Scottish working class badly needs a well-organised mass party of socialism and the SSP has proven it can play that role with aplomb. Toughened by recent experiences, this time we are wiser.

The Scottish Socialist Party remains open to all genuine left unity initiatives but this must mean more than stitching together tiny groups on the left. It must involve a rather more ambitious vision attracting those considerable sections of the left who are not members of any political party.

Notes

Scotland’s Road to Socialism, Time to Choose, 2013, edited by Gregor Gall, published by Scottish Left Review Press, Biggar.

Scotland’s Economy: the case for Independence, 2013, published by The Scottish Government, Edinburgh.

Arguing for Independence, 2012, by Stephen Maxwell, published by Luath Press Ltd, Edinburgh.

Left renewal in Scotland: the view from the International Socialist Network

The International Socialist Network (ISN) is a new group bringing together socialists who have recently left the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). In this article Raymond Watt outlines the view of ISN supporters in Scotland concerning the way forward for the left in Scotland.

Since this is the first public article by International Socialist Network supporters in Scotland, it may be useful to introduce ourselves. The ISN (International Socialist Network formed from the recent split in the SWP) is very much in its embryonic stage and therefore we greatly welcome being part of discussions in Scotland and across the UK with other socialists, anti-capitalists and non-aligned activists around the possibilities and way forward for left unity/renewal.

The ISN is based on the principle of revolution from below as the sole means by which socialism can be achieved. It is refreshing that those currently engaged with the network are working to develop our ideas, which come out of Marxist revolutionary politics, on such questions as revolutionary organisation, feminism and left unity – and we recognise that we have much to learn from others in doing so.

Marxism should be a living, breathing tradition. This means healthy and open debate, taking a realistic look at the past decades of neo-liberalism, changes in the composition of the working class, identifying the challenges faced by the left in the 21st century and seeking to modify revolutionary theory and practice to meet those challenges. The ISN seeks to be a forum in which such debate takes place and a network of activists committed to revolutionary socialism form below.

Broader context

Readers will be aware of the circumstances in which the ISN came to be formed by members of the Socialist Workers’ Party – more information is available here. Rather than rerun that history, we want to take this opportunity to engage with others in developing our understanding of the present period and working through our attitude to concrete issues of left realignment in Scotland.

We start, as most socialists do, from the principle of “fighting in the interests of the working class”. There are those that argue that these interests are best fought through elections, parliaments and governments and those, like the ISN, who believe that this goal can only be achieved through revolution. This is, of course, the division into "reformist" and "revolutionary" strategies that we, and others on the left, became very comfortable debating because it offered us a series of ready-made answers.

Yet, the movements of the first decade of this century from the anti-capitalists of the early 2000s to the Indiginados, Occupy and anti-austerity protests have forced us out of this comfort zone. These two roads to socialism have faced a direct challenge from many other forms and methods of organising and activity. Many of these new forms of organising emerge from anarchist and self-defined "horizontalist" movements – leading to hasty and counterproductive dismissal of these alternative ways of organising by those who keep a focus on independent political organisation within the working class and trade union movement as the main strategy for revolutionaries.

Many new activists have come into politics through those movements. And therefore it is crucial to understand why over the last couple of decades many more new activists have been attracted by such movements rather than avowedly socialist organisations, whether they be reformist or revolutionary. We agree with Ben Wray of the International Socialist group that this reflects a great weakness on the part of the Marxist left. Of course, the utter capitulation of all mainstream political organisations to neoliberalism has led to disillusionment with the whole electoral system and any kind of “party organisation" – not to the generalised apolitical apathy with which middle-class commentators comfort themselves, but nonetheless an enormous challenge for socialists.

Furthermore, it is not enough simply to point to the mainstream parties as the source of this disillusion: many activists are repelled by party-based politics not because of a lack of contact with left-wing parties, but because of their own experience within those parties.

Does that just mean we were wrong about revolutionary socialism and organisation? Capitalism is still here, and the problems to which revolutionary socialist organisations were an answer are also still posed. This is not the first time historically that left organisations and working class political representation has been in crisis. Jules Alford’s article ("Some Notes on The British working Class, 1900-1914") argues on the ISN web site, that there "are instructive parallels with the long ‘downturn’ that proceeded the Great Unrest 1910-14 when only one in eight workers held a union card and today when union density in the private sector has fallen so low”. The institutions and consciousness of the class are at a historically low level and as a result the left is in a critical state and needs to adapt. It is not a pretty picture but we are where we are – or, as Marx put it “the conditions of this new movement must result from the premises now in existence” (Marx, German Ideology, 1845). The door to a revival of the left has been opened. It is up to us to decide whether we take the doors off their hinges or re-close them. We have a historical role to play now in the development of a new left movement.

Scottish situation

The shift in working-class votes from the Labour Party to the SNP has highlighted the continued shift of the Labour Party away from the working class. Recent changes to its internal structures and election processes, and the increasing dominance of a middle-class professional elite who control the party, can only further detach working-class people from the Labour Party – and we would expect therefore from the notion that Labour can be transformed from within. From its foundation the Labour Party has always pursued the goal of building an electoral machine, with the final result that the party leadership now competes to best serve the interests of neoliberalism. It is shifting away from being a working-class “movement” , with a growing fetishisation of parliament and leadership of civil society functionary bodies.

The Labour Party currently sees its aim for working-class people as attempting to lift a minority out of the working class (as Joahnn Lamont put it out of the ”something for nothing society”) as opposed to building a movement that, in John Maclean’s words, encourages the working class to “rise with their class not out of their class”.

The SNP electorally has out flanked the Scottish Labour Party (SLP) to the left and over the question of independence the SLP has shot itself in the foot by alignment with the no campaign. The Scottish Trade Union Congress’s (STUC) position was recently stated by general secretary Grahame Smith: rather than engage with the Radical Independence Campaign he argued that “the challenge that matters in Scotland, ‘whether independent or as part of the UK’, will be how wealth is redistributed and that is a question of tax, public services and how we go about improving pay equality in Scotland”. First of all, this is not just a question of tax, services and pay equality but of class struggle – a struggle for which the independence campaign may change the terrain.

Labour Party and trade union left as part of the movement

It would be premature to extrapolate from the current poor state of the Scottish Labour Party the terminal decline of the party as a whole in terms of its relationship to and support within the working class. This leads to the question: should we seek to involve and work with those who view themselves as left-wing activists who exist both within the Labour Party left and/or in the trade unions in the discussions over left unity/renewal?

We would surely have welcomed and indeed tried to win STUC and Scottish Trade Union representation into the Radical Independence Campaign so why not encourage those who campaign to regain the Labour Party to a reformist road to socialism, even if we are sceptical of this strategy, into the process of building left unity?

One obvious difficulty would be around the question of winning the unions to a position of breaking the financing of the Labour Party by the trade unions. However, although there exist many such contradictions within the trade union movement – any possibility of raising the levels of trade union membership and increasing its participation within grass roots anti-cuts movements, should certainly be something we would welcome and engage with.

This lays a challange at the feet of those Labour Party and trade union left activists to break with their fears of the radical left and sectarian fears of “the Trots under the bed”. As Sarah Collins stated in (issue 75) of Scottish Left Review, the trade unions must learn to “dance with the people that brung you. Those on the left are not your enemy.” To date, certain left union officials have been keen to speak on a plethora of “united front” anti-cuts platforms but then never to be seen to positively and actively back such campaigns or encourage their union members to become active in them. The only exceptions are when such activity has been specifically called by their union sector and only if ever raised and discussed within the tight confines of the union offices or branches and with “trusted” reps.

If the trade union left is to play a serious role in the fight against austerity then it must break out of its comfort zone, open its doors to the movement and fight with the anti-cuts movement, not just in words but in day to day action and activity. As John McDonald also states in (issue 75) of Scottish Left Review, “it is the trade union movement that now needs to step up to the plate to mobilise and support a wider community campaign of resistance and austerity”.

However, local community campaigns alone will not be enough to stop the austerity attacks on the working class unless linked to a national co-ordinated campaign which works to bring together both political and industrial action.The trade unions must begin to flex their ‘industrial’ muscle if they are to be viewed by the wider movement as any more than “boardroom” activists. The trade union movement cannot continue to confine itself within the restrictions of anti-trade union laws or wait for the glourious day when some elected prime minister miraculously reverses the law. Unite’s setting up of community branches is very welcome, but when Len McLuskey also thinks that [Labour Party leader] Ed Miliband is the political answer to austerity, it does raise the question; are the community branches a base for recruitment of possible electoral campaigners for Ed Miliband and his brand of austerity lite or a genuine attempt to rebuild fighting unions? It is one thing building branches in the community but quite another to build a union prepared to fight!

The truth remains to be seen in relation to union community branches, but one thing is for sure we cannot afford to go through another 30 years of broken promises from the Labour Party both when it is in power or in opposition neither can we suffer to wait until the “time is right” approach of the trade unions, if we do, we will end up where the Chartists had to begin.

Where next?

We cannot begin to build the left unless we are genuinely prepared to bury many hatchets from the past. This will not be easy for any of us, yet it is essential. Of course, the experiences of the past leave divisions that will not be buried over night. Hence, open political meetings and open discussions on future joint activities must be viewed as a process of rebuilding trust and confidence amongst those who have been active for the last couple of decades and more.

For the International Socialist Network this process of left unity/renewal has the potential to gain pace and growth but only if we assist in creating more open, democratic and less rigid structures which permit those coming into left politics the space to develop new left organisational structures fit for the battles of the 21st century and for regeneration of a new left. This does not mean that we become less ideological but have to become more ideological – in the sense of having a more up-to-date, accurate and fundamental analysis of contemporary capitalism that can guide our struggle.

Questions around the development of theory and its relationship to practice become more crucial, therefore. For too long, the left has been guilty of saying to new activists: “here is our theory and here’s how you will apply it.” Such a dogmatic approach has led on many occasions to wrong practices and ultimately contributed to the failure to retain new activists and grow the left. Hence the type of democratic structure within any new left project must be one which is developed and led from the bottom up. We would rather see 1000 more new grassroots activists fighting for the interests of the class and making mistakes along the way as they cut their political teeth, than a small group thinking they have all the answers.

At the high-point of the Stop the War and anti-capitalist movement in the early 2000s, a left realignment on an electoral basis did occur. In 2003 the left thought it had found the answer with the election of six SSP MSP’s and in 2004 Respect in England made important electoral gains. The successes of Rifondazione in Italy soon passed into defeat following party’s compromise with the participation of the Italian state in imperialism – although the current ground being made by Syriza in Greece may provide a more positive example.

Just as the organisational formulas of the revolutionary left cannot simply be repeated and replicated, so we should also be cautious about thinking these organisational models, which brought about electoral successes during the aforementioned period, can be repeated as a strategy for helping the left to grow today. Of course a debate on and balance sheet of this period is both welcome and necessary but should not be the central focus and starting point for the future shaping of the left. The relationship between the level of concrete social and political struggles and the electoral process is extremely complex and indirect.

Potential for left unity/renewal

Currently the left in Scotland have two central areas of work, one on the question of independence through the Radical Independence Campaign (RIC) and the second through the fight against austerity, via the anti-bedroom tax campaign and other anti-cuts movements, both of which offer an opportunity for the left to work together including those of the left within the trade union movement, the Scottish Labour Party and the SNP. The key to the success of both these campaigns will be to ensure that one does not take precedence over the other. We do not wish to predict what the result of the referendum will be nor the resulting impact on Scottish politics, but what we do know is that left unity must be based on going beyond 2014. Therefore it is crucial that we continue to work in other campaigns which involve those not supportive of Scottish Independence.

As Alister Black stated in issue 20 of Frontline, “New generations of activists have no interest in the splits of the past and will be attracted to organisations who are unsectarian and hold socialist unity as a principle. A new electoral list, coalition or party remains necessary to give us the strength to stand up to the neo-liberal onslaught that we will face regardless of the outcome of the referendum.”

At the May Day rally in Edinburgh an activist in the Scottish Palestine Solidarity Campaign stated in conversation that “there are many more people who consider themselves 'socialists without a home' than there are with a home”. By this they meant that the current state of existing left organisations and there attitude to one another has disillusioned and prevented activists involved in other campaigns from joining the left.

It is to the activists of a new generation, activists in other campaigns who view themselves as socialists and older activists who are prepared to drop ultra-left sectarianism of the past, that we must listen to.

The ISN in Scotland believes that the potential to build a new left unity movement exists, and currently in Edinburgh roads towards such unity are being slowly but openly and positively discussed.

As Marx said, “We have nothing to lose but our chains.”