Statements: US hands off Venezuela, Colombia and Latin America

From Venezuela to Gaza to US: Trump’s wars against the people

Solidarity National Committee, November 4, 2025

The serial murders committed by the Trump regime in blowing up small boats in the Caribbean and Pacific Ocean, on the untested and almost certainly false claim that these are “drug smuggling vessels,” are world-class crimes in their own right. At this writing the victims of these assaults number over 60, with no accountability and no end in sight.

It is an astonishing sign of our times that these atrocities receive so little outrage, blending into the background noise of the daily crimes against humanity perpetrated by this administration both globally and at home. We need to look more closely at the extreme menace they represent.

First, Trump’s intention to wage war on Venezuela, in order to install a pro-U.S. puppet regime in that country, is out in the open. This scheme is supposed to be accomplished through some combination of CIA operations that Trump boasts he’s authorized inside Venezuela, economic strangulation, and possibly direct military action if it’s not feasible to organize an internal coup. (Alternatively, though less likely, U.S. imperialist goals might be achieved through massive economic and political concessions by the Maduro regime, particularly regarding access to Venezuela’s oil resources.)

Second, the goal is not only crushing whatever hopes remain from the early 2000s “Bolivarian Revolution.” More strategically important, it aims to isolate Colombia’s moderately leftwing government, strengthen Trump’s alliance with the far-right regime of Argentina, and embolden the military forces hoping to bring back the days of neo-fascist rule in Brazil under Trump’s friend Jair Bolsonaro — whose pardon he’s demanding as a price for lifting punitive tariffs on Brazil’s exports to the United States.

No doubt the U.S. temptation to intervene is strengthened by the fact that the Maduro government is repressive and unpopular. This kind of gunboat-diplomacy scenario is not so attractive to Trump’s MAGA base, to which he deceptively promised no more “endless wars” and Iraq-scale chaos that would likely ensue. It does represent, however, the perspective of the militarist-neocon wing of the Republican cult, notably Trump’s Secretary of State and National Security Advisor Marco Rubio.

For Rubio, Venezuela is only the initial target. He has long fantasized of bringing about regime change in Cuba to complete the project of restoring the order of U.S. capitalist hegemony in Latin America.

Trump’s terror bombing of the boats not only satisfies his well-known personal insecure masculinity. It serves more importantly as a test of how far he might be able to go – bombing Venezuelan targets, assassinating officials, kidnappings? – before finally meeting Congressional or court resistance which so far is largely absent.

Third, we have to understand Trump’s crimes in the Caribbean in a much broader global scenario.

After boastfully campaigning for the Nobel Peace Prize, Trump like his wretched predecessor Biden is enabling Israel’s genocide in Gaza to carry on under the thin veil of the ceasefire agreement, which the Netanyahu government, of course, never had any intention to respect.

Trump dispatched his acolytes Kushner, Witkoff and vice-president Vance as “Bibi-sitters” to keep Netanyahu within the boundaries of behavior that prohibit his outright cancellation of the ceasefire – something the Gulf kingdoms can’t tolerate in the face of popular anger in the Arab world. But so long as the ceasefire remains formally in place, the Israeli state can use any pretext for daily bombings that often kill as many Gazans as during the full-scale war.

Israel blatantly holds back essential food, medicine and essential supplies from the population of the utterly destroyed Gaza Strip, with cold weather soon setting in. The brutal military-settler destruction of Palestinian life in the West Bank continues without interruption, unconstrained by Trump’s pronouncements that Israel will not officially annex the territory, at least not yet.

So Trump’s imperialist crimes in the Caribbean are not to be considered separate from Washington’s total indifference to the genocide of the Palestinian people. And this is not the total picture either. The dismantling of USAID, for example, means that desperately needed assistance is not available for the survivors of the climate-change Hurricane Melissa catastrophe in Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Bermuda, or mass starvation in Sudan.

On the surface, the United States may seem not to be responsible for the carnage in Sudan. In reality, however, it’s a major U.S. strategic Middle East ally — the United Arab Emirates — that funds the Rapid Support Forces perpetrating the full-scale genocide in Darfur.

Fourth, Trump’s war on the world’s people is very much part of the same brutal assault his regime is waging against the U.S. population. Can blowing up boats in international waters be a test not only for the possibility of bombing Venezuela, but perhaps also lethal force against U.S. dissident populations?

Masked and unaccountable ICE and Border Patrol gangs roam the streets of U.S. cities, kidnapping and disappearing non-citizen and sometimes citizen residents as well, manhandling protesters, pepper-spraying bystanders and indeed police officers. If that doesn’t produce mass deportations on a sufficient scale, as it probably is not, Trump says he will deploy the National Guard and the military itself to carry out deportations and crush protests.

There must be immediate demands, obviously, for “ICE Off Our Streets” and, in particular, to stop the horrendous deportation of refugees from Venezuela’s collapsing economy and the desperate situation in Haiti (while Trump says he’ll gladly welcome seven thousand white Afrikaners from South Africa and eliminate all other refugee admissions).

At the same time, the right wing with astonishing speed is wiping out many central victories of the U.S. civil rights revolution, including voting rights and protections from job and housing discrimination as well as police brutality.

Under cover of the government shutdown, millions of people are about to lose access to essential food support and health care. And the federal government itself is being stripped of precisely those functions that provide actual services that people really need, while enhancing the military and the apparatus of repression.

How far will any of this go? In essence, as far as Trump and the far right are allowed before popular resistance stops them. How that can be accomplished is an entire set of strategic challenges — for the immigrant defense and Palestine solidarity movements, for mobilizations against the war on Latin America, for defense of democratic rights and, crucially, for the labor movement that must ultimately play a central role.

What must be clear from the outset is that these are not separate struggles. Blowing up boats in Caribbean and Pacific waters is not a sideshow. It is a display of imperial-presidential arrogance and impunity with appalling implications for us all.

Trump: hands off Venezuela and Latin America!

Executive Bureau of the Fourth International, October 17, 2025

Economic blackmail and threats against Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Argentina are part of a new phase in US policy toward Latin America. But the greatest danger falls on Venezuela, whose government Trump is determined to overthrow. The deployment of 10,000 soldiers, a massive arsenal in the Caribbean, and attacks that have already killed more than 60 rafters threaten not only Venezuela but the entire region. It is the urgent duty of activists around the world to raise their voices and mobilize against US interventionism under Trump.

Unprecedented military deployment in the Caribbean

The central target of the US offensive is undoubtedly Venezuela. With unprecedented stridency and brazenness, the imperialist leader and his secretaries of state and war, Marco Rubio and Peter Hegseth, have already decreed that criminal drug cartels are "terrorist organizations", considered Maduro as the head of a cartel that does not exist (the Soles cartel), and offered a $50 million reward for information leading to the capture of the Venezuelan.

Most threateningly, they have deployed around 10,000 marines to the Caribbean, with aircraft carriers (the largest in their navy), torpedo boats and nuclear submarines, warships equipped with medium-range missiles, B-52 bombers, and the technological capacity for large-scale data analysis, in a maneuver defined by geopolitical experts as a "seismic realignment." Puerto Rico has been remilitarized, and military cooperation agreements with Caribbean countries have been used to build an army infrastructure that appears to precede a large-scale attack on the country that was the scene of the great Bolivarian revolution. Over the past two months, these forces have carried out seven attacks on rafters (alleged traffickers), resulting in 46 deaths and two arrests.

On October 15, in a move unprecedented even during the Cold War (CIA operations were secret), Trump announced that he had authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to carry out operations in Venezuela. According to the Washington Post, the president signed a document authorizing the CIA to carry out covert operations in foreign countries, ranging from clandestine information gathering to training opposition guerrilla forces and carrying out lethal attacks.

On Sunday, October 19, in a further escalation, US forces carried out a deadly attack against what was supposedly a ship belonging to Colombia's ELN group in the waters of the Pacific Ocean. In response to Gustavo Petro's justified protest, Trump insulted the Colombian president as a “drug trafficker" and head of "a weak and very bad government," threatening, as usual, with tariffs and funding cuts, while at the same time revoking the US visas of Petro, his family, and his advisors. While Petro recalled the Colombian ambassador to Washington, Trump said at a press conference — in response to a journalist — that he does not need a declaration of war for his operations against trafficking in what he considers his waters. "We go there and we kill them."

Trump's top advisers are reportedly urging him to invade Venezuela to overthrow Maduro, according to open speculation in the US. Of course, the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to the far-right Venezuelan leader María Corina Machado — which, if it weren't serious, would be one of the worst jokes of our time – is part of a deliberate plan to reinforce what the hawks see as the alternative to Maduro. The Trump administration appears to be forcing a transition to a far-right government led by Edmundo González Urrutia and María Corina, who has already called for sanctions against Venezuela, without any concern for their effects on the impoverished population and is now handing over the fate of the nation to the boots of Yankee soldiers.

It may seem unlikely that the US would invade by land countries whose governments it accuses of complicity in drug trafficking, such as Venezuela, Colombia, or Mexico itself. A prolonged ground invasion would meet with strong resistance from the armed forces under Maduro's command, possibly with widespread support and sympathy in the region, meaning a new and closer Iraq. Entering a war of this magnitude contradicts Trump's rhetoric to his domestic audience, to whom he has promised to "end the wars." Furthermore, there are signs of opposition to such a solution from sectors of the US military high command, as evidenced by the early resignation of the head of the Southern Military Command, Admiral Alvin Hosley, on October 16.

In any case, prudence dictates that we should not rule out the possibility of any warmongering "madness" on the part of the neo-fascist leader. At the very least, based on his rhetoric, he may opt for drone or aircraft attacks against specific targets in Venezuela in a continued attempt to weaken the government.

A return to the past

Since the first days of his return to the Oval Office of the White House, Donald Trump, emboldened by his neo-fascist hawks, has kept Mexico under heavy tariff and police-military pressure (so that the Sheinbaum government will stop the flow of migrants at the border and combat local drug cartels). CIA drones fly over Mexican territory in the supposed search for cocaine and other drug laboratories.

Trump has meddled in Brazil's internal politics to defend his friend Bolsonaro, convicted of attempted coup (imposing 50% tariffs on Brazilian exports to the US and opening a trade investigation against Brazil's timid policies to restrict US big tech companies). Not even Argentina, governed by his compadre Javier Milei, escapes threats and blackmail: in mid-October, commenting on a new US$20 billion loan from the IMF to the country, Trump conditioned his continued support for the Southern neo-fascist libertarian on a victory for Milei's party in the October 26 parliamentary elections, in which the possibility of the president's neo-fascist coalition finally controlling Congress is at stake (with low chances). "If [Milei] loses, we are not going to be generous with Argentina," Trump said. The episode points to the normalization of the rhetoric and practice of the US government's direct interference in the internal political affairs of sovereign states. (It seems that Trump's move was one of the factors explaining the Milei administration's victory in the elections.)

The combination of gestures, punitive rhetoric, and enormous military deployment constitutes an attack on Latin American neighbors not seen since the invasion of Grenada in 1982. In the context of the substantive change that Trump's White House is imposing on the global power relations that have been in place for the last eight decades, US policy toward Latin America is taking a turn toward the interventionist past of military aggression and open political interference that had already marked the imperialist power's treatment of the entire South during the Cold War.

A call for international anti-imperialist solidarity

The accusation that Maduro and senior Venezuelan government officials are members of cartels, stupid as it is, seeks to justify the violation of the principle of self-determination of peoples and the territorial sovereignty of Venezuela. There is an unprecedented warmongering offensive in the region, which must be forcefully rejected by socialists, social activists, and progressive sectors, regardless of what they or we think about the government of Nicolás Maduro, its anti-worker, anti-popular policies, and its anti-democratic drift.

It is time to call on the democratic, anticolonial, progressive, and revolutionary forces of the world, and of the region in particular, to defend the territorial integrity of Venezuela, the Caribbean countries, and all of Latin America in the face of attempts at military or political intervention, that is, attempts to define "from above and outside" (read: in the Oval Office) the political course of sovereign countries. It is the Venezuelan people who must decide on their government, without any interference. It is the sovereign peoples of Latin America and all corners of the globe who must decide on their tyrants, their parliaments, and the trials in their judicial systems.

We must demand that the governments of Lula, Petro, Boric, and Sheinbaum do their utmost to prevent any possibility of military aggression and political intervention in Venezuela. It is positive that Lula offers himself as a “mediator,” as he did in his meeting with Trump, but all these governments must be vehement and even repetitive in rejecting any US initiative against Venezuela.

The Fourth International's solidarity with Venezuela includes demanding that Maduro restore political freedoms for the social movement, the left, and the workers of Venezuela. This is the path, together with legitimate popular military mobilization, to build genuine national and regional unity against imperialist aggression. Only the broadest unity of action can contain, resist, and defeat the ongoing aggression.

US troops and weapons out of the Caribbean Sea!

No more bomb attacks!

Demilitarize Puerto Rico now!

US hand off Venezuela and Latin America.

Oppose Trump’s Attacks on Venezuela!

International Marxist-Humanist Organization, October 27, 2025

The latest chapter in the U.S.’s effort to impose regime change on a sovereign country may unfold any day now, as the Trump administration prepares for a military intervention against Venezuela.

In the Caribbean, the U.S. Navy has deployed a fleet of destroyers, amphibious ships, a nuclear submarine, Tomahawk missiles, and advanced radar and 10 F-35 fighter jets, the most advanced in the U.S. military aircraft. And on October 24, the administration sent the USS Gerald Ford aircraft carrier toward Venezuela, supported by 27 other vessels, all this in preparation for launching a direct attack.

The stage began to be set for this on September 2, when Trump ordered the U.S. military to destroy a boat off the coast of Venezuela, killing all 11 on board, on the grounds that it was trafficking drugs destined for the U.S. No effort was made to stop, board, or search the vessel—this was shoot first and ask no questions later. The same is true of the 10 additional boats destroyed (as of this writing) that have killed 43 people in total.

The Trump administration has not supplied a shred of evidence that drugs were on board or that the ships were commanded by drug gangs. Nor would there be much reason to bomb them even if that were not the case: Venezuela does not produce fentanyl, which is responsible for most drug-related deaths in the U.S., and the vast majority of drugs that enter the U.S. are shipped through the Pacific Coast, not the Caribbean (less than 10% of the illegal drugs that enter the U.S. go through Venezuela).

In fact, these attacks have nothing to do with stopping the drug trade. They are aimed at providing a pretense for removing President Nicolas Maduro from power in Venezuela and imposing a far-rightwing government upon it. Trump aims to do by using the same mechanism the U.S. has utilized for two centuries in Latin America — overt as well as covert military intervention.

As we have argued elsewhere, Trump is not an isolationist. Faced with the U.S.’s setback in the 2003 Gulf war and the failure of its 20-year war in Afghanistan, he — like his counterpart Vladimir Putin when it comes to Russia — is seeking to solidify control over the U.S.’s “spheres of interest” in what has become an increasingly multipolar world. And there is no sphere of interest that is more important to the U.S. than Latin America.

Trump already wanted to overthrow Maduro’s regime during his first administration. Instead, he did something that was no less egregious — in 2017 he cut off all oil imports from Venezuela (at the time a major source of U.S. oil) and imposed sanctions which blocked Venezuela’s access to U.S. and international financial markets. Since oil (like most major commodities) is traded on the world market in dollars, this effectively prevented Venezuela from exporting the bulk of its oil — which made up 94% of its foreign exchange. As a result, Venezuela’s already weakening economy fractured, plunging millions of Venezuelans into dire poverty.

It was this fact, more than any other, that explains the massive numbers of Venezuelans who have fled the country since 2017, with close to a million immigrating (or attempting to immigrate) to the U.S.

Trump’s saber-rattling against Maduro’s regime — which until recently was involved in negotiations with the U.S. to resolve their differences — is directly related to his war against immigrants at home. He has unleased ICE and the Department of Homeland Security against documented as well as undocumented immigrants under the blatantly false charge that they are engaged in “criminal” activity. Thousands of working-class and poor Venezuelans have been deported in recent months, and he plans to evict 700,000 more (many of whom were granted residency in the U.S. through the Temporary Protective Status program). Several hundred have been deported to the U.S. concentration camp at Guantanamo Bay and the notorious “Terrorism Confinement Center” in El Salvador.

Here is the madness embodied in Trump’s policies: he creates the conditions that compel many to leave Venezuela and then he punishes the victims of his policies by deporting them to other places to suffer further degradation and torture.

Yet in the eyes of Trump, Secretary of War Hegseth, and fascist White House counselor Stephen Miller, what better way is there to get support for deporting as many immigrants as possible than by tarnishing them with being connected to the drug-dealing Tren de Aragua gang from Venezuela—and on the grounds that the gang is controlled by the Venezuelan government.

In fact, there are no more than a few hundred members of Tren de Aragua in the U.S. InSight Crime, which has tracked the gang for years, has found no evidence that it has organized cells in the U.S. that cooperate with one another or that it receives instructions from abroad. Nor is there evidence that Maduro sent members of Tren de Aragua and other Venezuelan gangs to the U.S., as Trump claims. Tren de Aragua is a horrible group, responsible for violent crimes in Venezuela and elsewhere in South America. But since the Venezuelan military stormed the prison in 2023 that Tren de Aragua controlled, the gang is greatly weakened, not centrally organized, and has no clear political goals.

To dehumanize people in practice, one first must label them as somehow less than human in words. This is what Trump is trying to do by tying Venezuelan (as well as other) immigrants to violent gangs. And a major reason he is going after Maduro is to further bolster this very claim.

Make no mistake about it: it is total hypocrisy to oppose Trump’s war against immigrants at home while not opposing his effort to attack and overthrow the Venezuelan government. The two policies are inseparable.

Trump is not hiding the fact that he is aiming for regime change in Venezuela. His preferred replacement is Maria Corina Machado, a far Rightist who sought to run against Maduro in the most recent presidential election but was prevented by him from doing so. She is a long-time supporter and advocate of Trump who has been calling for the U.S. military to violently overthrow its government for years. Not only that; she supports Trump’s deportation of Venezuelan immigrants and defends his decision to send some of them to Guantanamo Bay and El Salvador. This has alienated her from many former supporters of hers in Venezuela.

How ironic then that the committee that decides the Nobel Peace Prize picks this as the moment to give her the award. Machado is no friend of peace. She is a product of the oligarchy that ran Venezuela for decades prior to the ascent of Hugo Chavez to the presidency, and she has allied herself with some of the most reactionary political forces in the Americas. Her getting the Nobel Prize for Peace only makes Trump’s work easier.

We must say loud and clear — NO to U.S. intervention in Venezuela! NO to any effort to overthrow of the Venezuelan government! NO to the deportations of immigrants, whether from Venezuela or anywhere else! And NO to the dehumanization of those victimized by past and present U.S. foreign and domestic policies!

Our firm support for these demands does not imply political support for the present-day policies of the Venezuelan government.

But whatever one thinks of them, they are NOT the reason for the U.S.’s effort to take military action for the sake of regime change. It is instead about promoting its reactionary drive to dismantle what is left of U.S. democracy, accelerate its war on immigrants, and violently impose U.S. imperial control over Latin America.

There is a long history of U.S. military interventions in Latin America — from William Walker’s effort to conquer Nicaragua in the 1850s to Theodore Roosevelt's seizure of the area that became the Panama Canal from Colombia, and from JFK’s Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in the early 1960s to Nixon’s complicity in overthrowing Allende’s government in Chile a decade later. U.S. imperialist interventions never end well, and neither will this one, if allowed to go forward.

Against U.S. military aggression on Venezuela and all imperialist presence in Latin America!

Various

A US fleet has been deployed in the Caribbean Sea off the coast of Venezuela. With Trump’s unilateral declaration of “war on drug trafficking”, his administration has claimed the “imperialist right” to intervene militarily.

A direct political-military objective is regime change in Venezuela. He has declared President Maduro a “narco-terrorist” and put a $50 million bounty on his head. Trump considers himself the “sheriff” of the Caribbean and Latin America. In a matter of weeks, he has established a semi-naval blockade off Venezuela and sunk three boats, killing more than 30 crew members, accusing them of being drug traffickers. He has just sunk two more boats off Colombia and Trinidad, where survivors and relatives have proven that they are artisanal fishermen.

Trump wants to assert U.S. “rights” over what he considers its “backyard” in Latin America. To this end, he is resorting to the —never entirely abandoned — policy of the “big stick” and the diplomacy of “gunboats” (and nuclear submarines, and the “authorization” of direct attack operations on Venezuelan territory).

This is part of the struggle between capitalist monopolies, particularly against China, which in recent years has made advances in international trade with Latin America. The United States remains the main direct “investor” in Latin America (38%), followed by the European Union (16%) and, quite a bit further behind, China, which is even in decline. But commercially, China is the main destination for many Latin American exports (such as Brazil, Chile, and Peru). Latin America has become increasingly dependent on agricultural and raw material exports (Chile and Peru on copper, Brazil and Argentina on soybeans, Venezuela on oil, etc.) and imports of manufactured goods. But the money it receives from its exports is not invested in industrialization or economic development or in solving the acute social problems of the working masses. It goes directly into the pockets of the oligarchies and to pay the “external debts” to the IMF and US and European imperialist finance capital.

Trump uses the ongoing economic war against China (and Russia) to tighten the screws throughout Latin America and dictate his policies. He wants to gain economic advantages and advance greater military dominance. This militaristic and fascist-oriented offensive also scapegoats poor Latino immigrants in the US who are expelled militarily. His plan of militarism and economic warfare is accompanied by growing internal militarization, which does not stop at mass arrests of migrants, but includes the deployment of troops in most of the country’s major cities. The working class of the US itself is a central military target of Trump’s offensive.

The US AFL-CIO trade union leadership has also been involved in supporting US military interventions in Venezuela, Latin America and throughout the world through the government funded AFL-CIO “Solidarity Center”. We call on US workers to reject the pro-imperialist policies of the AFL-CIO leadership who have also supported the trillion dollar military budget of the US government. US workers and unionists must link up directly with workers in Venezuela, Latin America and around the world in opposition to their own capitalist ruling class who are threatening the working class of the world.

We are against US imperialist action. We reject its military threats and demand the immediate withdrawal of the US fleet from Latin American waters. The US has some 800 bases around the world: 9 in Colombia, 8 in Peru, 3 in Mexico, 3 in Honduras, and 12 in Puerto Rico! The people of Puerto Rico have responded to the announcements with growing mobilizations that are a resurgence of the questioning of their status as a direct US colony. The US has reinstalled troops in the Panama Canal and is pushing for the installation of bases in new countries such as Brazil and Argentina.

In its hybrid war of economic and military measures, it has promoted a plebiscite for November 11 in Ecuador to “legalize” the reinstallation of military bases that had been closed years ago. The U.S. has lent $600 million to the Noboa government, which is facing a general strike against fuel price increases and other anti-popular measures, and has announced that it will lend it another $5 billion if the YES vote wins in the referendum.

The same is true in Argentina, where Trump is lending money to Milei’s government (increasing public debt and defending the interests of bondholders) on the explicit condition that his far-right ally wins the elections against growing popular opposition. The US ambassador and other Trump envoys are meeting directly with governors, bourgeois opponents, and union bureaucrats to uphold their economic interests in the country, particularly to advance on lithium and rare earth deposits. Milei has just decreed the entry of US troops into Argentina to participate in joint military exercises with an eye toward “consolidating regional stability,” according to the military in charge.

The US government has pushed through the OAS the formation of a military force, a new Minustah, to intervene in Haiti. It wants Latin American governments to provide soldiers so that it can withdraw its own and carry out adventures against Venezuela and other places.

The Latin American bourgeoisie and a large part of the bourgeois nationalist movements act in a cowardly fashion. Maduro has proposed negotiating with Trump for US free access to concessions, such as those already held by Chevron, on Venezuelan oil (the world’s largest reserve). Trump has rejected this because he wants regime change. He is working to divide the regime and its armed forces. He has launched a global propaganda campaign that culminated in the appointment of his ally, the right-wing Venezuelan leader Corina Machado, as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. Corina Machado participated in the coup attempt against Chávez in 2002 and has always called for economic sanctions against Venezuela and even direct US military intervention.

We oppose imperialist intervention and militaristic aggression aimed at regime change, but we do not give political support to Maduro and his corrupt, repressive circles against the working people. It is necessary to arm the workers, nationalize Yankee and imperialist companies, banking, and foreign trade, under workers’ control.

The BRICS allow the development of this imperialist military threat against Venezuela, just as they allowed Trump and Netanyahu’s genocide against Gaza. Brazil has positioned an army on the borders of Venezuela. The Latin American bourgeoisies remain silent. At best, they try to explain to Trump that he is “wrong,” as Petro of Colombia has done.

It is young people and workers who are mobilizing against the imperial powers and their policies of austerity and imperialist war in Peru, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Argentina. More than 7 million Americans (from all communities) demonstrated on October 18th in 2,000 cities across the US against Trump’s fascist actions. Let us unite our strength.

U.S. imperialism out of Venezuela, Panama, Ecuador, and all of Latin America! Immediate withdrawal of all naval and air forces from the Caribbean!

End the persecution of Latinos living in the US; no more persecution of immigrants!

Out with the IMF. No to the payment of usurious foreign debts!

No more imperialist interference in Latin American nations!

¡Fuera Yankis de Venezuela y de América Latina!

Independence for Puerto Rico. UK out of Islas Malvinas.

Workers of Latin America and the World unite, for the Socialist Unity of Latin America and the World!

First signatories:

KA – Communist Liberation (Greece)

PO – Workers Party (Argentina)

SEP – Socialist Workers Party (Turkey)

SWP – Socialist Workers Party (Great Britain)

TIR – Revolutionary Internationalist Tendency (Italy)

UFCLP – United Front Committee for a Labor Party (United States)

WCP-H – Workers Communist Party of Iran- Hekmatist (Iran)

Tribuna Classista (Brazil)

Comunistas (Cuba)

Fuerza 18 de Octubre (Chile)

Revolutionary Left Current (Syria)

Internationale Socialister (Denmark)

DSIP – Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party (Turkey)

GAR – Revolutionary Action Group (Mexico)

Workers Solidarity (South Korea)

SEK – Socialist Workers Party (Greece)

Linkswende (Austria)

Marx21 (Spanish State)

Marx21 (USA)

Pracownicza Demokracja -Workers Democracy (Poland)

Solidarity (Australia)

Internasjonale Sosialister (Norway)

International Socialists (Botswana)

Movimiento Anticapitalista (Peru)

International Socialists (Canada)

Sozialismus von Unten (Germany)

Revolutionäre Linke ( Germany)

Socialistická Solidarita (Czech Republic)

Crvena Akcija/Crvena Inicijativa – Red Dawn/ Red Initiative (CA/CI), Croatia/Serbia

Socialist Workers League (Nigeria)

Socialist Workers Network (Ireland)