David Mandel: Understanding the conflict in Ukraine

Ukraines' President Petro Poroshenko (second from left) greets US Secretary of State John Kerry.

Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal has published various left viewpoints on the political situation in Ukraine.

By David Mandel

August 24, 2014 -- The Bullet, posted at Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal with permission -- The Ukrainian conflict, like most political phenomena, is multi-dimensional and highly complex. As such, it calls for a holistic – dialectical, if you wish – approach.

But to judge by US and NATO spokespersons and by their mass media, there is only one really decisive factor that explains everything: Russia's imperialism, Vladimir Putin's determination to dominate and further dismember the Ukraine as part of his plan to restore the Soviet empire. In this simplistic view, Ukraine, with benevolent support from the West, would be quite capable of dealing with its problems and would soon be on its way to becoming a prosperous, Western-style democracy.

My view is quite the opposite: the roots of the Ukrainian conflict are domestic and profound; outside intervention, while significant, is a secondary factor. Given limitations of space, I will, therefore, focus on the internal situation. But I will necessarily, if more briefly, also address the international dimensions of the conflict. This is also the more necessary since the Canadian government has been particularly zealous in its support for the Ukrainian government and in condemning Russia as solely responsible.

My goal is to offer a framework that can help in understanding and evaluating the mass of information about the conflict coming from governments and the media.

A deeply divided society

Ukraine is a deeply divided society – along lines of language, culture, historical identity, ethnicity, religious affiliation, attitudes to Russia, as well as real and perceived economic interests. Since Ukraine became independent in 1991, these divisions have been manipulated and fostered by corrupt economic and political élites with the aim of distracting popular attention for their criminal activities and to gain advantage in intra-élite competition. This manipulation, on the background of widespread poverty and economic insecurity, has prevented popular forces from mobilising to oppose this oppressive ruling class, the so-called "oligarchs", who have run the economy into the ground while fantastically enriching themselves. Since independence, Ukraine has lost over 13 per cent of its population, down to 45 million. Of those, several million are working abroad as cheap labour in Russia and the EU.

About half of Ukraine's population speaks Ukrainian in everyday life; the other half – Russian; and practically everyone can speak both languages well enough. The three western, overwhelmingly Ukraine-speaking, regions joined the rest of Ukraine in the 1940s after two centuries under oppressive Austro-Hungarian, then Polish, rule. The southern and eastern parts first became part of Ukraine at the end of the Russian civil war in 1920. Until 1991, Ukraine had never existed as a state, except for a very brief period during the civil war.

The population of the western regions is deeply nationalistic; and at the centre of that nationalism at present is a profound fear, mixed with hatred, of Russia and, to varying degrees, of Russians. The eastern and southern regions, mostly russophone, have strong cultural and ethnic affinities, as well as political sympathies and economic ties, with Russia. The situation in the centre is mixed. Historical memory plays a big role in the divisions: the heroes of the west collaborated with the German occupation in World War II and participated in its crimes; the heroes of the east and south fought against fascism and for the Soviet Union. In fact, there is hardly any major historical event or figure going back centuries upon which the two poles agree. There are also economic interests: the east is more industrial and closely integrated with the Russian economy, by far Ukraine's leading trading partner; the western is dominated by small towns and is more agrarian.

These differences express themselves in opposing political positions, in which irrational fears play a not insignificant role. The population of the west, with some support in the centre, has generally been more active politically and has sought to impose its culture, which it considers the only truly Ukrainian, on the rest of the country. People from the western regions constituted a disproportionate part of the Maidan protesters. Opinion surveys consistently show the Ukrainian population to be split on major issues, although most, both east and west, have perceived the successive governments as corrupt and dominated by oligarchs. The major issue of contention has been the legitimacy of the central government. The one formed after Victor Yanukovych's overthrow has strong support in the west and, to a significant degree, also in the centre, which has seen a nationalistic upsurge; the population in the east and south widely despises and fears the government, which it considers illegitimate.

What was Maidan?

The initial issue in the Maidan protest was the fate of an economic agreement that the then President Yanukovych had been negotiating with the European Union. Yanukovych, who was identified with the russophone east and south, decided (wisely in my view) to suspend the negotiations and accept Russia's offer of a $15 billion loan. But when he resorted to repression against the protesters, the protest was transformed into a protest movement against the government itself, its repressive, corrupt nature. Armed neo-fascist elements from the west increasingly became involved, further radicalising the protest, attacking police, occupying government buildings and finally convincing Yanukovych to flee on February 21.

A provisional government was then formed by not altogether constitutional means. It consisted exclusively of politicians identified with the western, nationalist regions and included several neo-fascists. Politicians identified with the west, including some oligarchs, were put in charge of eastern regions, whose population widely viewed the new government as hostile.

Donbass insurgency

Copying the Maidan protest and earlier actions in the western regions that had been directed against Yanukovych's government, groups of local Donbass citizens already in February began to occupy government buildings, calling for a referendum on the region's autonomy and possibly its secession and annexation to Russia. These groups were initially unarmed, nor were they for the most part separatist. As their compatriots in the west had done earlier against Yanukovych, they were demanding local autonomy as a measure of protection against a hostile central government.

Kiev's reaction only confirmed the worst fears and prejudices of the Donbass population. Under the impression of Russia's annexation of Crimea and spurred on by its own fervent nationalism, the new government in Kiev made no serious effort to reach out to the population of the east.

Instead, almost immediately it declared the protesters “terrorists” and launched a so-called “anti-terrorist operation” against them. There was no genuine desire to negotiate, but to crush militarily. And since the Ukrainian army was a mess and had little taste for fighting its own people, the government created and armed a National Guard, consisting of poorly trained volunteers that included ultra-nationalists and neo-fascists. As if that were not enough to confirm the fears of the easterners, some 45 anti-government protesters were massacred in Odessa on May 2, a crime for which Kiev blamed the protesters themselves, as well as unidentified Russian provocateurs.

None of this changed fundamentally after the presidential elections of early May. President Petro Poroshenko has also made no serious effort to negotiate an end to the conflict. The indiscriminate shelling of civilian centres in Donbass by the government only confirmed its illegitimate, alien nature in the eyes of the local population.

There is not much that is known for sure – at least by myself – about the relations between the local population and the armed insurgents in the Donbass. Moreover, these relations undoubtedly evolved over time. But it is clear that the insurgents were, and still are, in their majority local people and that, at least until relatively recently, they enjoyed varying degrees of sympathy among the population, most of whom, however, did not want to separate but only a measure of self-rule. I imagine that today the local population mostly wishes only for an end to the fighting and a measure of physical security.

The insurgency itself underwent radicalisation over time, especially with the influx from Russia of Russian nationalists. In any case, although the government in Kiev has made an offer of amnesty to those who have not committed serious crimes, the militias no doubt fear only the worst if they were to surrender.

The central government

Ukraine's political regime differs from Russia's in that in Ukraine the oligarchs dominate the state and the mass media. In Russia the regime is "Bonapartist", that is, the political élite dominates the oligarchs, even while serving their interests. That is essentially why there has been more political pluralism in the Ukraine. Whether that has been more beneficial to Ukraine's working class is another question. As for the economic and social situations, Ukraine is basically Russia but without oil and gas.

A glance at the political career of president Poroshenko, billionaire owner of a confectionary empire and auto plants, offers some idea of the nature of the regime. Poroshenko was a founding member of the Party of Regions in 2000, the political machine that eventually brought Yanukovych to power in 2010. But a year later, Poroshenko left the party to become a leading financial backer of Our Ukraine, a party closely identified with the western regions and with Ukrainian nationalism. He backed the so-called Orange Revolution at the end of 2004 that brought to power Viktor Yushchenko, a staunch pro-West Ukrainian nationalist.

Poroshenko became his foreign minister, advocating NATO membership (a position rejected by a strong majority of the population). But he lost his job in 2010 when Yanukovych won the presidential elections. Poroshenko nevertheless returned in 2012 to serve Yanukovych as minister of trade and development. But he left that post after eight months to return to parliament as an independent. In short, this is the career of an inveterate political opportunist, who, like the rest of his class, subscribes to the Russian adage: “Where my fortune lies, there lies my heart.”

Poroshenko, to the extent he has principles, does not belong to the more extreme wing of Ukrainian nationalism, although he has called the Donbass insurgents “gangs of animals”. (Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, beloved by Western governments, has called them “subhumans.”) But in any case, Poroshenko shares power with a cabinet and parliament that include extreme right-wing elements.

And because of the army's weakness, he has had to rely heavily on ultra-nationalist paramilitary forces to prosecute the war. For example, the ceasefire, to which he agreed to on June 21 and apparently wanted to prolong while pursuing negotiations, was cut short after a demonstration by so-called “volunteeer” battalions, recruited largely from ultra-nationalist far-right elements.

Then there are people like the multi-billionaire governor of Dnepropetrovsk region, Igor Kolomoiskii, who payrolls his own army, the Dnipro Battalion; or the increasingly popular parliamentary deputy, the right-wing populist thug, Oleg Lyashko, who has personally commanded volunteer battalions in the Donbass.

Poroshenko also has to consider the upsurge of nationalist sentiment in the wake of Crimea's annexation and the massive propaganda campaign against Russia in the oligarch-controlled media that has gone well beyond the typically nationalist elements of Ukrainian society.

Finally, the war and national emergency are needed to distract popular attention from very harsh austerity measures that are really only in their first stages.

International dimension

Although the conflict is fundamentally a civil war, external forces have played a significant role. The West (US, EU, NATO) bears a heavy responsibility for its unflinching support and encouragement of the Ukrainian government in its pursuit of an exclusively pro-Western political and economic orientation. In view of Ukraine's deep internal divisions, that policy is fatal to the integrity of the state and the peaceful development of the society.

Moreover, from the moment the internal divisions assumed the form of an armed confrontation, the West has unflinchingly supported both the actions and the propaganda of the Kiev government. That propaganda portrays the Russian government as solely responsible for the conflict and is silent about Kiev's own intransigence, its serious war crimes against the non-combatant population of Donbass and the serious economic suffering it is imposing on the entire population.

An analysis of Western interests and motives is beyond the scope of this presentation. But it is quite obvious that since the fall of the USSR, the US, with more or less active support from Europe, has followed a course aimed at maximally limiting Russia's geopolitical influence and at surrounding it with unfriendly states. Despite solemn promises made to Mikhail Gorbachev, these states have been integrated into NATO, from which Russia is excluded.

Where integration into NATO has not been possible or desirable, regime change has been pursued. That has been the West's policy in Ukraine. The EU's association proposal, which was at the origins of this crisis and which contained clauses pertaining to defence policy, forced this deeply divided country to choose between Europe and Russia. (A national poll from December 2013 found that 48 per cent agreed with Yanukovych's decision not to sign and 35 per cent disagreed. In western Ukraine, however, a full 82 per cent disagreed.)

The Russian government saw the very open and active support for the Maidan protests and then for the provisional government and its policies as being in direct line with that policy of “containment”. The annexation of Crimea, that does not appear to have been long in the planning, was, at least in part, a message to the West: only so far!

Ukrainian and Western claims notwithstanding, Putin does not aim to further dismember Ukraine, nor does he plan to recreate the Soviet empire. While it may not be his preference, he is prepared to accept Ukraine's neutrality and its closer economic ties with Europe. What he does not want is a hostile, exclusively Western-oriented Ukraine. European Russia, which has the bulk of its population and industry, shares a 2500-kilometre border with Ukraine. Given the history of the 20th century, Russia's sensitivity to this question should not be too hard to understand, even apart from the deep historical, cultural, ethnic, family and economic ties that bind the two societies.


But Russia is not without its own responsibility in this conflict. I take issue with some on the left (including the Russian left), who support the annexation of Crimea and Russia's involvement in the civil war as justified anti-imperialist policies. Meanwhile, others on the left have taken the opposite position, essentially embracing Kiev's version of the conflict.

It goes without saying that Western condemnation of the annexation of Crimea is profoundly hypocritical in view of the West's longstanding and continuing history of imperialist aggression and disregard for international norms. One thinks of the detachment of Kosovo from Serbia and the invasion of Iraq, as only two recent examples of this. There is, moreover, no doubt that the vast majority of the population of Crimea, which never felt itself to be Ukrainian, was happy, many even overjoyed, with the annexation. Local Crimean governments have wanted as far back as 1992, only to be rebuffed by Russia. In every national election, Crimeans have voted overwhelmingly for pro-Russian Ukrainian parties.

As a citizen of Canada, a NATO member with a right-wing government that has been a zealous cheerleader for Kiev, I admit that my first instinct was to support Putin as acting in defence of his country's national interests against Western aggression. But that is a mistaken position.

If the annexation of Crimea was not part of a master plan to restore the Soviet empire, neither was it motivated primarily by legitimate concern for Russia's national interests. Indeed, one has to wonder what might constitute a national interest in a class-divided society where vast wealth is concentrated in the hands of so few and which is dominated by a corrupt, authoritarian government.

In any case, Putin himself has not explained the annexation in terms of geopolitical interest. In his speech in March dedicated to Crimea and in another in early July at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he referred instead to the duty to protect Russian populations outside Russia's borders. This is an appeal to ethnic nationalism. And it (as with the wars against Chechnya and Georgia before) has been extremely successful in boosting Putin's popularity, at the same time as it narrowed the already limited space for opposition to his regime.

But even from the point of view of geopolitical interest, the annexation of Crimea appears incredibly short sighted and harmful to Russia. The annexation, along with Putin's justification, gave a major boost to anti-Russia nationalist paranoia in Ukraine. At the same time, it encouraged the armed resistance in Donbass to Kiev. So while Russia, sincerely I believe, has consistently called for a ceasefire and a negotiated settlement, the annexation, in fact, has fed the armed conflict. And Russia is also directly contributing to the conflict, since the groundswell of nationalist sentiment in Russia forces Putin to allow an unofficial, limited flow of combatants and arms to the Donbass, even while Putin has no intention of intervening in force to rescue the militia. (I could be proved wrong but I strongly doubt it.)

And so instead of protecting the Russian population of Donbass, Putin has in fact contributed to the deterioration of its situation and has undermined Russia's ability to effectively defend its interests.

But the annexation has also been very injurious to Russia's own situation in the world. By giving a major boost to anti-Russian nationalism and the government in Kiev, Putin ensured that Ukraine will henceforth be firmly within the Western camp and hostile to Russia. He has also helped to solidify NATO as a hostile alliance aimed at containing a supposedly expansionist Russia. And he has deprived Russia of what had been its fundamental argument against US and NATO aggression: respect for the international norms of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other states and for their territorial integrity.

Some make the argument that Putin had to secure Russia's naval base in Sevastopol. But the threat was only potential – although over the years high Ukrainian officials have spoken of handing it over to NATO – and its securing hardly outweighs the geopolitical damage to Russia incurred from the annexation. (Putin seems to have miscalculated Europe's, especially Germany's, willingness to follow the US in a crusade against Russia.) Moreover, if Sevastopol were really threatened, the base could have been moved to Russia's Black Sea port in Novorosiisk. The cost of the move would probably not be much greater than the losses that will be incurred from the Western sanctions.


The solution, in principle, has always been evident: a ceasefire monitored by international observers, followed by negotiations, on the sole condition of acceptance of Ukraine's territorial integrity. The subject of negotiations would be the delegation of power to regional and local elected governments. This is the famous “federalisation”, supported by Russia and most of the population of Donbass but rejected by Kiev and the West, who claim it is merely a cover for separation of Ukraine's east and its annexation by Russia.

But in so deeply divided a society, federalism can, in fact, be an effective measure against separatism. (If Canada were not a federal state, Quebec would have separated years ago.) But things might have probably already gone too far. Kiev, backed by the West, will not hear of a ceasefire. It wants a full surrender or decisive military victory. And, although unlikely, domestic pressures might finally convince Putin to intervene directly. In any case, the future does not appear bright for a unified Ukrainian state.

[David Mandel teaches political science at the Université du Québec à Montréal and has been involved in labour education in the Ukraine for many years.]


I am working on an article on the situation in Ukraine, but I am not a Professor.
I disagree with many of David Mandel's conclusions. I think he does not understand the Russian history of Crimea and its strategic importance to Russia. Crimea was part of Russia until Krutschev GAVE it to the Ukraine with a stroke of the pen.
Mandel is not at all concerned about the fascism and nazism in western Ukraine and in the Yatseniuk unelected government. Note too that a number of Ukrainian oligarchs have assets localized mostly in the southeast (like Akhmetov) while others are localized in the western part of Ukraine. The oligarchs are running the show and think only about their own interests. One of them has even managed to get 3 different citizenships: Ukraine, Israel, and Cyprus.
I agree that the situation is very complex.

In reply to by Lucette Smoes (not verified)


Comrade Smoes has raised a surprising number of issues, given the brevity of her comment.

First of all, on Crimea, there are two considerations, which count on opposite sides. The Crimean people, like all peoples, have the right of national self-determination. They had never been part of Ukraine and Comrade Smoes is correct to note that the peninsula was handed over with the stroke of a pen by the Stalinist bureaucrat Khrushchev - something that only became meaningful with the collapse of the USSR. On the other hand, Crimea's strategic importance to Russia is something that the working class movement needs to reject. It is the logic of imperialism and, if accepted, would justify the US blockade of Cuba (at least until 1991). We are hostile to all capitalist States, and to imperialist ones especially, so we must never let the strategic interests of a State trump the human interests of justice. What counts in Crimea, therefore, is the opinion of the Crimean people, and not the naval base at Sevastopol.

Second, Comrade Smoes is incorrect that Professor Mandel is not concerned with the Fascists in Ukraine. While he may not have covered them in enough detail to please Comrade Smoes, he mentioned them when necessary and drew the correct political conclusions. They are very junior partners in the Government and, while it is a condemnation of their coalition partners that they are willing to consort with Fascists, it is incorrect to characterise the entire Government as such.

Thirdly, I don't see any particular reason to go on about the "Yatseniuk unelected government". What caused Yanukovych to resign was that the Party of Regions lost confidence in him and collapsed. The new Government was one that had the confidence of the Rada. Certainly new elections were called for, but somebody had to hold the reins of power until then and it's not as if there were Soviets in the wings able to stride onto centre stage and put the workers in power. Yanukovych had lost legitimacy well before his resignation and nobody else in the Rada was able to command a majority. We can criticise the Government for including Fascists and we can criticise its decisions (most of its important ones deserve harsh criticism), but an anomalous situation had emerged and I quarrel with the Government's political legitimacy rather than its constitutional legitimacy.

Comrade Smoes makes a useful comment about the localisation of the interests of the Ukrainian oligarchs. The oligarchs are not interchangeable and do not form a homogenous mass. An analysis of their conflicting and overlapping interests would be useful, if written by a knowledgeable observer.

Finally, since Professor Mandel wrote his article, events have developed further. Contrary to his expectations, it appears that Vladimir Putin has indeed sent troops into Ukraine. This is a significant and, for the working class movement, entirely unwelcome development. The interests of the Russian State and the Russian bourgeoisie are not at all the same as the interests of the Russian-speaking workers of the Donbass. If the reports of direct Russian military intervention in Ukraine are confirmed, the working class movement must condemn it unreservedly.


Comment by Roger Annis

* * *

Professor David Mandel of the University of Quebec in Montreal (UQAM) was interviewed by The Real News Network two days ago on the situation in Ukraine. The interview is posted here. A part two of the interview will air tomorrow. Part one of the interview is good, though David has several very odd explanations of events (see below).

You may recall that David and I spoke at a panel discussion in Ottawa on Aug 22 that was attended by 75 people or so. Our two presentations can be accesssed and read here.

I wrote a short comment to friends following the session in Ottawa. Here is an excerpt:

Our points of agreement far overshadow our disagreements, and this was noted by many participants. I challenged David on several points. One concerned Crimea. He describes the option exercised by the Crimean people in March to get out of the way of Kyiv's civil war as a bad decision egged on by Russia. He calls it an "annexation". I regard his view as abstract and wishful thinking. I told the event that I emphatically reject the description of events in Crimea as an 'annexation'.

David  also says that any political solution to the war in the southeast must recognize the territorial integrity of Ukraine. I regard the latter as as another abstraction, this one with easily dangerous political consequences. The people of the southeast have a right to self-determination, and this comment by myself drew much applause from the audience in Ottawa.

In the Real News interview, David reaffirms his view of Crimea as an annexation. And he says this about the ceasefire: "You know, I think that Poroshenko deserves some credit. At least he seems to have the welfare of the country in mind." Yikes. Not a mention of the catastrophic military defeat suffered by Kyiv, nor the catastrophic economic situation at home that has been caused by the war as well as by Kyiv's austerity policies and surrender to the financial oligarchs of Europe. THAT is why Poroshenko was forced to shelve, for the time being, the 'anti-terrorist operation' he inherited from his predecessor and which he pursued with great vigour.

David posits the federal, constitutional system in Canada as a model for Ukraine to follow, specifcally Canada's flexible application of consitutional powers in order to grant Quebec limited autonomy powers. There is merit in using this as an example to counter the Kyiv propaganda that says forms of regional autonomy would be the end of the world for Ukraine. But there is no hint in David's scenario of the class struggle that is fueling so much of the struggle in eastern Ukraine. And a majority of Quebecois would beg to differ with his rather glowing description of the Canadian federal system.

There have been two independence referendums in Quebec--the first in 1980, the second in 1995. In the first, 40.4 per cent voted for independence; in the second 49.7 per cent voted for independence. The only reason why these votes lost is that, similar to Scotland today viz-a-viz the government in London, the Canadian governments of the time warned of dire economic punishment if the population voted for independence.

The response of the Canadian government to the 1980 referendum was to overhaul the country's constitution and repatriate it from London where it had sat in a rather archaic setting ever since Canada's accession to independence in 1867. The repatriation was imposed in 1982 over Quebec's objections. To this day, Quebec is the one province in Canada that did not agree to the repatriation and has not signed Canada's constitution. Canada's First Nations people (app. 1.5 million, three per cent of the population) also opposed the repatriation, for the same reasons as Quebec--the constituion does not recognize them as distinct peoples meriting forms of political self-determination.

The situations of Crimea and the Donbass are quite distinct and have to be considered separately. Crimea is historically Russian and was bureaucratically handed over to the Ukrainian SSR with a stroke of Khrushchev's pen. The Donbass is historically Ukrainian, though with different cultural influences from the West of the country.

What would a settlement in Ukraine look like? I believe it would be:

1. A second referendum in Crimea on whether to join Russia. While no credible report denies that a valid majority of the Crimean population want to be part of Russia, the conduct of the referendum of March this year was appalling:

(a) The referendum occurred within a couple of days of Russian troops taking control of the region;

(b) The claimed vote for union with Russia was 96.8%; an

(c) The claimed voter turnout was 83.1%, despite the Tartar community leadership calling for a boycott.

The solution, therefore, is to hold a second referendum under conditions that are universally recognised as valid. Ukrainian nationalists would have no pretext to refuse to recognise it.

2. In the Donbass, what is required is autonomy. Credible opinion polls from before Kyiv's "Anti Terrorist Operation" indicate that the population didn't want to join Russia, but did want Russian language rights, free movement of labour between the two countries and no disruption to trade with Russia. If things settle down and a regime with credible legitimacy takes over in Kyiv, this is likely to be the case once more.

Workers in both the East & West of Ukraine need to unite, against both the Kyiv regime and Putin's Russian nationalist expansionism.

The major lacunae in Mandel's explanations, many of which as explications are correct in my opinion, are in relation to the Maidan, and in relation to the program for self-determination of Ukraine.

As has been repeatedly shown on this site and in others, the Maidan from the start was a movement of the bourgeois and petite bourgeois whose political program was the "turn to Europe". It was a movement financed in part by the US NED and other front organizations like those of George Soros. One does not to be a conspiracy theorist to understand when the US Under-Secretary for State says they spent $5 billion on "democracy promotion programs" she means regime change and alignment. Contrary to Mandel's assertions, the Maidan was not a mass democratic movement, but rather a revolt of the Ukrainian middle classes wanting to tie their fortunes to those of Europe.

Secondly, the issue of Ukrainian self-determination, that is of real independence, can not be pursued without overthrowing the capitalist social relations and destroying the bourgeois state.

There is not "independence" for any capitalist country in the age of national imperialisms, in the age of Imperialism as a global system of social relations replicating capitalist forms of production and exchange. There is only relative independence, dependent upon the economic and military strength of each state and group of national capitalists, and of their relationship to international financial capital.

As long as Ukraine remains a weak capitalist country, with a very weak capitalist class,and a weak and wobbly state structure dependent on foreign capital infusions via the IMF, the World Bank, and through NATO, any notion of "independence" is a pipe dream, a fantasy which Trotsky warned against in 1939: Beware the nationalists who under the banner of Independence from one imperialism are prepared to sell the country to another.

There should be no misunderstanding on this point. Again Trotsky,who called for an Independent, Soviet Ukraine at the time of the Stalin-Hitler pact was adamant as to how that was to be achieved.

" Insofar as the issue depends upon the military strength of the imperialist states, the victory of one grouping or another can signify only a new dismemberment and a still more brutal subjugation of the Ukrainian people, The program of independence for the Ukraine in the epoch of imperialism is directly and indissolubly bound up with the program of the proletarian revolution. It would be criminal to entertain any illusions on this score."

Trotsky, "Problem of Ukraine", 1939, first published in Socialist Appeal.

Which is why the support of the working masses of the Donbass in their resistance to the puppet Ukrainian government and its attack on the living standards of all Ukrainian must be the priority for the international left. The resistance of the working class to the aims of the IMF and European and American imperialism, starting with the political and military struggle, the creation of workers militias combined with the development of forms of genuine workers political power, is the key at the present time to the uniting of the entire Ukrainian working class in an effort to sweep away the puppet government of the oligarchs and imperialism.

It is this program which Mandel fails to address in his articles and speeches.