How West Africa’s military juntas exploit anti-French sentiments for support but undermine human rights

First published at National Record.

The key problems for the common people in most countries across West Africa are the same as in Nigeria, poverty, inequality and corruption. Across the Sahel, especially in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger this had led to armed insecurity led by Islamic militants. It was the failure to quell such violence that led to the military coups in recent years.

French troops also failed to contain the Islamic militants. This failure and incidents where French forces shot dead local people led to widespread opposition to the French troops and their eventual exit from these countries. This demonstrated that their governments had far more control over the French forces than many people imagined.

However, military solutions were never likely to be successful. The underlying causes of poverty, inequality and corruption have to be addressed before insecurity can be significantly reduced. This is the reason that Boko Haram and ISWAP remain active in the north east of Nigeria.

The military juntas have benefited from, and encouraged, the wave of anti-French feelings and this also helped the opposition to win the presidential elections in Senegal. The anti-French nationalism has provided a certain focus for the bitterness of the mass of workers, peasants and the lower middle classes over their economic plight. But it also restricts their demands to those that do not upset the ruling classes in each country.

Expelling the French military from these countries does nothing to reduce poverty, inequality or corruption. In addition, there is an ideological conservatism which accompanies these anti-Western feelings. So, there are moves against women’s rights, and against protections for LGBT people etc. Opposition to French imperialists in West Africa is not necessarily progressive.

The second issue was the currency that remains a hang-over from the colonial era in these French speaking countries. The military juntas have gained a level of mass support with promises to move away from the CFA currency. This was also one of the main planks in the success of the opposition in the Senegalese elections earlier this year. The currency clearly remains a symbol of the former colonial power.

However, at least for the West African countries, almost all aspects of the CFA were removed in May 2022 when the remaining foreign reserves, previously held by the French Central Bank, were repatriated to the common central bank, the BCEAO, in Dakar. In addition, French representation was reduced to only one member on the 27-person Monetary Policy Committee. There is now no representation at all from France on the main board of the BCEAO Central Bank.

There are benefits, especially for the rich elite, from this common currency and its parity with the euro. It means their imported goods are cheaper, it is easier for them to transfer their looted funds out of the country and their savings do not dwindle due to the low rate of inflation.

The workers of Senegal, at least, also benefit from this low inflation as the minimum wage, as in Nigeria, has not been increased over the last nearly five years. But over this time, inflation in Senegal has only been the same as in Nigeria over the last six months.

The governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have shown that they can successfully demand for the French soldiers to leave their country (and more recently in Niger also the removal of the US troops). They are also in a position to break from the link to the Euro, if the governments choose, but given the above advantages they may not actually make this change.

In 1960, when countries of West Africa gained independence from France, this may have only been flag independence. But nearly 65 years later things have changed. Even in terms of trade France no longer dominates. In the two largest economies, Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal, the largest trading partners are now China and India rather than France.

French multinational firms still form 10 of the 20 largest firms in Senegal, so they are clearly significant. But they no longer totally dominate the economy. The 13 largest French controlled firms only provide 3.3% of the formal employment in Senegal. So less than one worker in 20 in the formal sector works for a French controlled company. This is a major change from 1960.

The relationship between France and its former colonies in West Africa can also be extremely beneficial for the leaders of these countries, if they are prepared to support France in international arenas.

So, for example, the then French President, François Hollande, admitted that the French made arrangements for Blaise Compaoré to leave for the Ivory Coast when he was overthrown by a popular uprising in 2014. In 2019, the French foreign minister admitted that French warplanes had struck a rebel convey in Chad to prevent a coup d’etat against the former President Idriss Deby. France then supported the current dictator when he took power after the death of his father two years later. The President of Cote d’Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara has received firm support from France after being elected in contested elections for an unconstitutional third term in December 2020. A former French president attended the swearing-in ceremony.

Swapping French and US troops for mercenaries from Russia has not reduced insecurity across the Sahel. As in Nigeria, the root causes of poverty, inequality and corruption must be addressed by robust trade union action. Changing the currency will not allow the poor majority to buy enough food to eat. A decent minimum wage is what we all need.

The main claims by the West African military juntas, when they took power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, was that they would quickly address the security issues in their countries. In each case, they have failed to do this. If anything, the insurgency by Islamic militants is getting worse, especially in Burkina Faso and Mali. In addition, the military are extending their rule with promises of elections and a return to civilian rule being postponed or forgotten. The authoritarian military rulers have inflicted further attacks on human rights in each of these four countries as we show below.

Despite this, the trade unions are still able to organise and are beginning to improve the conditions of their members, at least in some countries. However, much more is needed to reduce the levels of poverty, inequality and corruption that are the main drivers of insecurity.

Burkina Faso

“The human rights situation in Burkina Faso is very worrying”, said Drissa Traoré, Secretary General of the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR) in early October. In addition, the National Commission of Human Rights is concerned about the arrests and kidnappings of citizens by unidentified individuals and outside of any adequate procedures.

Two years after Ibrahim Traoré’s coup d’état, human rights organizations paint a bleak picture of freedoms violated in the country. IFHR denounces in particular arbitrary arrests of opponents, the forced recruitment of civilians, the disappearance of defenders of freedoms and the end of freedom of the press. Street protests have been banned in Burkina Faso since the Traoré led coup in September 2022.

This situation has been made worse by the introduction of anonymous hotlines. In September alone, 726 denunciations were made and these resulted in at least 350 arrests. In October, a meeting of about 50 journalists complained about the disappearance of four of their colleagues who are thought to be “in the hands of the military”.

IFHR also shares its concern about the increase in disappearances of human rights activists and the growing repression of dissident voices. “We are witnessing a resurgence of arbitrary arrests and pressure on journalists and activists”. Several prominent figures found themselves sent to the front to fight against Islamic militants, including human rights defender Daouda Diallo and former foreign minister Ablassé Ouédraogo.

Last year, Amnesty International said, “public figures were abducted or arrested and forcibly disappeared, including the national president of an organization representing pastoralists’ interests” who are blamed for the insurgency.

Russian military personal are used to personally protect Traoré. When he came to power, he promised to only stay for 21 months. But this was extended by another five years in May 2024. In addition, Captain Traoré is to be free to continue his rule by being a presidential candidate when the elections finally take place.

The IFHR calls for a general mobilisation to restore fundamental freedoms in Burkina Faso and guarantee the independence of the justice system. Some fifteen Burkinabe unions, united in a collective, have called for a rally on October 31 in Ouagadougou to protest against “restrictions on freedoms” which they say have been imposed by the country’s military authorities.

“This mainly concerns the restriction of individual and collective freedoms (which) result in forced disappearances of citizens, kidnappings of citizens by armed and hooded individuals, forced recruitment, measures to close press organs”, said Moussa Diallo, Secretary General of the General Confederation of Burkina Workers (CGT-B), the principal trade union centre in Burkina Faso. He was effectively sacked from his university lecturer post in April 2024 and is now in hiding to avoid being kidnapped or arrested.

Minimum wages

Mali

The Malian military authorities, in power since the second coup of 24 May 2021, have continued to drastically restrict the civic and democratic space in the country. The last four years have seen a resurgence of arrests, arbitrary detentions, abductions, secret detentions and also of judicial harassment of anyone who expresses a dissenting opinion.

The four years of military rule have also been marked by threats and intimidation, kidnappings and arbitrary arrests of Malian journalists and opinion leaders. International media journalists have their authorities denied.

Presidential elections scheduled for 27 February 2024, which would have allowed a return to civilian rule, were again postponed in September 2023. In April and May 2024, the Malian military authorities organised the Inter-Malian Dialogue, national consultations aimed at proposing solutions to the political and security crisis in Mali. The dialogue produced 300 recommendations, including calls to “extend the transition period from two to five years” and to “promote the candidacy of Colonel Assimi Goïta in the next presidential elections“.

In June 2024, 11 leading politicians were arrested for demanding the return to civilian rule.

Also, in June 2024, the National Union of Banks, Insurance Companies, Financial Institutions and Enterprises of Mali (SYNABEF) held a three-day strike by banks and petrol stations and won the release of its secretary general, Hamadoun Bah after five nights in detention. Bah is also the secretary general of UNTM, the largest trade union centre in Mali. A coalition of political parties and associations (Synergy of Action for Mali) also called for protests against the high cost of living and power cuts.

Again, in June 2024, the higher education union, SNESUP held a 3-day strike. They had several grievances, including the suspension of the Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Management and the implementation of the agreement recently reached with the government following the previous indefinite strike in 2023. They also demanded improvements in working conditions, salary increases, regularization of salary arrears and security for schools and universities.

At the end of October, the head of one of the cattle markets in the capital, Bamako, was arrested by state security. This was after a 1-day strike over the relocation of the cattle market.

Niger

The military authorities in Niger have cracked down on the opposition, media, and peaceful dissent since taking power in July 2023, says Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR).

On May 29, the justice and human rights minister issued a circular suspending all visits by human rights organizations to Nigerien prisons “until further notice“, in violation of national and international human rights law.

On August 27, 2024, Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani established “an automated data processing file containing personal data of people, groups of people or entities involved in acts of terrorism.” “Niger’s new counterterrorism order allows people to be labelled suspected terrorists on vague criteria and with no credible evidence,” said Human Rights Watch. Those included in the database face severe consequences, including being denied the ability to travel nationally and internationally, and having their assets frozen.

The Trade Union of Magistrates of Niger (SAMAN) called for a 72-hour strike at the beginning of June, 2024 to defend judicial independence and protest against the intervention of the executive branch in judicial affairs.

Negotiations opened between government ministers and trade union leaders in mid-October. Before the coup, the trade unions held a 2-day general strike to demand the harmonization of allowances for all state agents, the recruitment of contract civil servants in education and health to the civil service and the increase in the minimum wage. These demands remain to be addressed. However, in July the price of petrol was reduced from 550 à 499 FCFA (N1,500 to N1,350) and in August the fees and charges in public hospitals were reduce by 50%.

Guinea

A 3-day general strike was held in February 2024. The call was launched by trade unions from the public, private and informal sectors, seeking a reduction in the prices of basic necessities and an end to media censorship. The unions also demanded and won the release of Sékou Jamal Pendessa, Secretary General of the Union of Press Professionals of Guinea. The strike received the support of the main political parties and most civil society organisations.

There was then a truce between the military and the opposition and civil society. In May, the military regime released Foniké Menguè and two other civil society leaders while civil society suspended its demonstrations.

But then, the Prime Minister said in late September: “We do not yet have complete and precise information on where they may be,” in response to a question about the disappearance, since July 9, of two activists from the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah. Since then there has been no news about their whereabouts.

In July, before his disappearance, Foniké Menguè said: “So what is certain is that we will resume our meetings, and following the meetings, you know that we will again go on demonstrations. We will continue the fight against the seizure of power by the CNRD.”

Also in July, the Guinean customs also seized nearly a thousand copies of the autobiography of Foniké Menguè. The stock of books was being transported from Dakar. According to the Customs Directorate, it was seized at the land border with Guinea for reasons of “public order and public security.”

Earlier this year the junta agreed to hold elections by the end of 2024, but then backtracked on this in July.

Earlier in October, the trade union centre, the National Confederation of Guinea Workers (CNTG) demanded the full implementation of the agreement of November 2023. This included the negotiation of a revised minimum wage for the private and informal sectors and improved public sector transport services.

Conclusions

The military coups in West Africa have not addressed the key issues of poverty, inequality and corruption. Neither have they been able to address the insecurity around the Islamic militants which was the main issue many of them gave for removing the previous civilian governments. Where the insecurity is worse, in Burkina Faso and Mali, the military coups have led to a major worsening of human rights.

However, the trade unions have managed to continue to organise. They are beginning to reassert their rights and to push for improvements in the conditions of their members. We can only hope that this will continue and that they are able to address some of the issues of deep poverty and inequality that led to the Islamic rebellions.

This assertion of trade union activism is also needed in the countries of West Africa that are still ruled by civilian governments where poverty, inequality and corruption remain major issues.