Mariana Riscali (MES/PSOL, Brazil): The rise of the global far right and the role of the socialist left

The rise of the far right is not an isolated but a global phenomenon. 

Its leading figure today is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whose genocidal government is massacring thousands of Palestinians. But he is not alone.

European Parliament elections in June marked the further rise of Alternative for Germany, National Rally in France, Chega in Portugal, and the Brothers of Italy, as well as new gains by far right forces in Austria and the Netherlands.

The most prominent recent advance by the far right in Latin America was the election late last year of Javier Milei in Argentina, on an ultra-liberal platform of severe cuts in public spending, mass layoffs and the erosion of basic rights.

In the United States, there is a clear risk that Donald Trump will be returned as president, despite the catastrophic outcomes of his previous term. Many on the left are closely monitoring this situation given the US’ significant global influence. 

Bolsonaro’s Brazil

The situation in the US closely parallels what has occurred — and might still occur — in Brazil, where I am active as a member of the Movimento Esquerda Socialista (Socialist Left Movement, MES) and the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Socialism and Liberty Party, PSOL).

Prior to Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s return to the presidency in the 2022 elections, we had to endure four terrible years under president Jair Bolsonaro. 

Elected on a far right platform and backed by the military, Bolsonaro implemented liberal economic policies, showed disdain for the environment and restricted democratic freedoms. 

His government targeted women, Blacks, Indigenous peoples and the LGBTQIA+ community, while championing an aggressive stance against “Communism”. 

To further compound matters, Bolsonaro’s government rejected isolation policies and fueled anti-vaccine campaigns during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, contributing to the avoidable deaths of hundreds of thousands people.

When Bolsonaro was defeated, his followers launched their own version of the Capitol Hill attack, where Trump supporters sought to take over the US Capitol building on January 6, 2021. 

On January 8, 2023, Bolsonaro supporters took over the buildings of the legislative, executive and judicial powers in the capital, Brasília. Subsequent investigations revealed Bolsonaro had planned a coup that day.

Though we defeated Bolsonaro at the polls in 2022, we remain vigilant because we know Bolsonarism, as a political force, not only persists but has significant strength. We defeated Bolsonaro, but not Bolsonarism. 

Lula only won the second round of the presidential elections by a narrow margin (less than 2%), and many Bolsonaro supporters are today governors and legislators. 

Crisis and the left

Globally, we face a severe crisis of hegemony and political references. 

Amid economic turmoil, a huge environmental crisis, escalating inequality and widespread despair and disillusionment, the left is struggling to present itself as a viable alternative. 

This vacuum has allowed the far right to grow by presenting itself as a “radical” and “anti-system” alternative.

We saw this in Argentina, where the centre-left was in power before Milei, and we have seen it in Portugal, where Chega has grown while the Socialist Party has been in government. 

The same may also occur in the US. While far from leftist, the Democratic Party has failed — and will continue failing — to resolve these crises given its allegiance to the capitalist class.

In this context, what role should the socialist left play?

When confronting the far right, we must avoid sectarianism. Unity is essential among all who oppose the far right and defend democracy. 

At the same time, we must maintain our political independence and remain true to our program. 

Some have sought to justify diluting their programs in response to the right’s rise. But it is crucial that we remain firm in our support for workers’ demands and help organise their struggles. 

We have been grappling with this dilemma inside the PSOL, where the party’s dominant faction has tended towards uncritically aligning with the Lula government and avoided  criticising its regressive policies. 

Against this faction that wants to abstain from necessary struggles, we advocate for an independent PSOL, which mobilises on the streets and remains loyal to its program. 

This is vital, because in the absence of a radical leftist alternative, disillusionment with the Lula government will only empower the radical right.

It is worth recalling the debate on reform versus revolution that Rosa Luxemburg initiated among German socialists in the early 20th century. 

Luxemburg argued revolutionaries needed to consistently fight for reforms within capitalism. She noted that while capitalists are inherently incapable of truly pursuing reforms, revolutionaries advocating for a reform program can win significant popular support and mobilise the masses to defend their rights. 

Such mobilisations not only help win reforms but elevates mass consciousness by revealing the limitations of capitalism, demonstrating the importance of protests, and helping to build revolutionary organisations. That is why street mobilisations are an indispensable tool for resistance. 

Recently in Brazil, university workers and professors took significant strike action in defence of their salaries and public higher education. PSOL activists have been at the forefront of advocating for these workers’ rights against the Lula government.

More recently, women took to the streets to protest right-wing attempts in Congress to roll back abortion rights. As a result of these mobilisations, the proposal was swiftly withdrawn.

Internationalism

In confronting the far right, the socialist left must remain steadfast in upholding certain principles, such as permanent mobilisation and an internationalism that seeks to connect struggles on a global scale. 

As an example of the latter, we have been closely engaging with the struggles in Argentina, given its history of activism and street mobilisation. 

The early months of the Milei government featured significant demonstrations and strikes, as well as a huge women’s mobilisation on March 8. As PSOL and MES, we sent delegations to participate in those protests.

We are also supporting and championing the cause of Palestine, whose impacts have reverberated everywhere. 

In April, I attended the Labor Notes conference in the US, an important gathering of left-wing workers. 

This years’ conference coincided with the surge of university occupations for a ceasefire in Palestine, which meant I was able to visit some of them. 

I saw how these occupations have not only mobilised youth on the issue of Palestine, but started raising anti-capitalist consciousness. 

These mobilisations have played a crucial role in shaping public opinion and challenging the Biden government, which has seen its support among youth decline over its support for Israel.

While the advances being made by the far right are global, so is our resistance. 

That is why forums such as Ecosocialism 2024 play a crucial role in allowing us to share our experiences of resistance and struggle. 

Only by uniting and mobilising can we advance our struggle to overcome capitalism and build a socialist world. 

[This article is based on Mariana Riscali’s presentation to Ecosocialism 2024. Riscali is a leader of the MES tendency within PSOL. She is also a PSOL national executive committee member and executive director of PSOL’s Lauro Campos and Marielle Franco Foundation.]